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With Explanatory and Critical Notes, a Biography of the Author, 
and an Account of the Sources of the History 





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MOMMSEN declares that Paul the Deacon's history 
of Italy, from the foundation of Rome to the beginning 
of the time of the Carlovingians, is properly the step- 
ping-stone from the culture of the ancient to that of the 
modern world, marking the transition and connecting 
both together ; that the Langobards upon their immi- 
gration into Italy not only exchanged their own lan- 
guage for that of their new home, but also adopted the 
traditions and early history of Rome without, however, 
abandoning their own ; that it is in good part this fact 
which put the culture of the modern world upon the 
road on which it moves to-day ; that no one has felt this 
in a more living manner than Paul, and that no one has 
contributed so much through his writings to secure for 
the world the possession of Roman and Germanic tra- 
dition by an equal title as did this Benedictine monk 
when, after the overthrow of his ancestral kingdom, he 
wrote its history as part of the history of Italy. 1 

Whatever therefore were his limitations as an author, 
the writings of Paul the Deacon mark an epoch. They 
constitute the first step toward the making of modern 
history, and give him the right to be reckoned as a kind 
of humbler Herodotus of mediaeval times. And in fact, 
although he is for the most part a compiler and without 

1 Neues Archiv., V, p. 53. 



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v ; .' vv 


great originality, his work recalls in several ways the 
characteristics of the " Father of History." It contains 
a priceless treasure of legends and quaint tales, having 
their source, not indeed in Hellenic, Persian, Lydian or 
Egyptian traditions, but in sagas like those of the Norse- 
men, and it is written with a naive and picturesque 
charm that must commend it greatly to the lovers of 
literary curiosities. Paul has something of the gossipy 
nature of Herodotus, and although without gross super- 
stition, he has much of the simple credulity and fond- 
ness for the marvelous which add to the attractiveness, 
while they detract from the authority of the work of 
his great Greek predecessor. As a veracious historian, 
Paul is perhaps not much better nor worse than the 
average of the monastic chroniclers of the time, for 
although he is a man of extensive learning, and although 
he gives us everywhere proofs of his good faith, and 
even of his impartiality in respect to the struggles be- 
tween his own people and their enemies, he has not that 
critical judgment which the requirements of modern 
history demand. 

Paul the Deacon was one of the best known authors 
of the Middle Ages. This is shown by the great num- 
ber of the manuscripts of his works which still exist, by 
the abundant use made of them by subsequent authors, 
and by the early editions that appeared shortly after the 
invention of printing and indeed all through the i6th 
and i /th centuries. ' But amid the more stirring events 

1 Waitz (M. G. SS. Rer. Langob. , p. 28 et. seg.) gives a list of 
these manuscripts and editions. 


of modern times his work became to a large extent over- 
laid and forgotten. Muratori published Paul's " History 
of the Langobards" in the first volume of his Italian 
series in 1723, but it remained for German scholarship 
to bring it again to the attention of the world and to 
subject it to critical treatment in the way its importance 
deserved. Dr. Bethmann during the early part of the 
last century began an investigation of Paul's works which 
extended over a great portion of his life. 1 He ex- 
amined and compared a vast number of manuscripts, 
traveling for this purpose through various parts of Ger- 
many, Holland, Belgium, France and Italy, but died be- 
fore his edition of the " History of the Langobards " 
was given to the press. His work was completed by 
Waitz in 1876 in the " Monumenta Germanise" in an edi- 
tion in which one hundred and seven manuscripts are 
referred to and compared, and in which most of the 
sources of the history are referred to in appropriate 
foot-notes. In the same year Dahn published a pains- 
taking criticism of Paul's life and writings in his " Lango- 
bardische Studien." A complete discussion by Dr. R. 
Jacobi of the sources from which Paul derived his his- 
tory appeared in the following year, 1877, which for 
thoroughness and accuracy is a model of German scholar- 
ship Mommsen followed in 1879 with an able criti- 
cism of some of the most important features of Paul's 
work, published in the Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft 
fur altere deutsche Geschichtskunde, Vol. V., p. 53. 
Some of his views as to the sources from which Paul 

.WaUz(p., Z ). ,V-- 


* - 

j ! *' 

' I 'v 


had taken his history were contested by Waitz in a subse- 
quent number of the Archiv in the same year, as well 
as by Schmidt in his monograph " Zur Geschichte der 
Langobarden." Further investigations were made con- 
cerning the " Origo Gentis Langobardorum," one of 
Paul's sources, by Bruckner, Koegel, Kraus and others. 

The " History of the Langobards " has been translated 
into German, French and Italian, but I was greatly sur- 
prised, when investigating some matters connected with 
the early history of Venice, in the Marcian library of 
that city, to find that no English version existed. Mr. 
Thomas Hodgkin, in Vols. V and VI of "Italy and 
Her Invaders," does indeed make liberal extracts, but 
the work is one which, from its importance, ought to be 
presented to English readers entire, hence this transla- 
tion. I have prefixed to it an account of Paul's life and 
writings, with a historical and literary estimate of his 
work, and the translation is accompanied by explanatory 
notes. Waitz's text has been used. 1 

In Appendix I there is a brief discussion concerning 
the ethnological status of the Langobards. In Appendix 
II an account is given of the sources from which Paul 
derived his history. Appendix III contains Paul's poems 
in honor of St. Benedict, which are found in the original 
text of Paul's history, but have no proper connection 
therewith and have therefore been placed in the Ap- 
pendix. They are altogether omitted in the German and 

1 There is a more recent text by Giuseppi Vettach (Archeografo 
Triestino, 1898-99) based upon the Friulan MS. at Cividale. As 
this MS. is incomplete, it seemed better to follow Waitz's edition, 
which is an admirable one, and based upon all the MS. 


Italian translations I have consulted, perhaps from the 
difficulty of rendering them in any intelligible form. The 
second book of the " Dialogues of Gregory the Great," 
however, gives the key to their meaning. I am quite 
conscious that the verses into which they have been 
rendered are not poetry, but insist that in this respect, 
as in others, my version follows the original pretty 
closely. They are only inserted from a desire to make 
the translation complete. 

I have endeavored everywhere to keep as near the 
text as the essential differences between the two lan- 
guages will allow. 

I desire to acknowledge the courtesy of Thomas 
Hodgkin, from whose history, " Italy and Her Invaders," 
I have copied with his permission the three maps first 
used in this work. 

RICHMOND, IND., Feb. 25, /pod. 


p. 53, of the " Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fur altere deutsche 
Geschichtskunde " (Hanover, 1879). 

" Hartmann ' ' to the second volume of " Geschichte Italiens im 
Mittelalter," by Ludo Moritz Hartmann, being the 32d work of 
the series "Geschichte der europaischen Staaten," edited by 
Heeren, Ukert, Giesebrecht and Lamprecht (Gotha, 1903). 

" Dahn " to " Paulus Diaconus," by Felix Dahn, Part I (Leip- 
sic, 1876). 

"Hodgkin" to "Italy and her Invaders, " by Thomas Hodg- 
kin (Clarendon Press, 1895). 

' ' Zeuss " to " Die Deutschen und die Nachbarstamme, ' ' by 
Kaspar Zeuss (Gottingen, 1904). 

"Schmidt" to "Zur Geschichte der Langobarden, " by Dr. 
Ludwig Schmidt (Leipsic, 1885). 

"Pabst" to " Geschichte des langobardischen Herzogthums" 
in Vol. II, p. 405, " Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte," 
(Gottingen, 1862.) 

" Bruckner " to " Die Sprache der Langobarden," by Wilhelm 
Bruckner (Quellen und Forschungen, Fart 75, Strasburg, 1895). 

" Koegel " to "Geschichte der deutschen Litteratur," by Ru- 
dolf Koegel, Vol. I, Part I (Strasburg, 1894). 

"Wiese" to "Die aelteste Geschichte der Langobarden," 
by Robert Wiese (Jena, 1877). 






Life and Writings of Paul the Deacon, with a Historical and 
Literary Estimate of his Work xv 


Original abode and early migrations of that people before 
their invasion of Italy [Descriptions of Germany] l Strug- 
gles with the Wandals, Assipitti, Bulgarians, Heroli and 
Gepidae [Account of Justinian's reign Poems in honor 
of St. Benedict See Appendix III.] I 


Relations of Narses with the Langobards and events leading 
to the immigration into Italy Invasion and conquest by 
Alboin [Account of Fortunatus Description of the pro- 
vinces of Italy] Murder of Alboin Cleph Interregnum 
and government by the dukes , 53 

1 The episodes and collateral matters of the history are enclosed in brackets, 



[St. Hospitius] History of the Interregnum Forays into 
Gaul and invasions of Italy by the Franks Reign of 
Authari [Events in the Eastern Empire] His wooing 
His death Agilulf succeeds him 94 


Reigns of Agilulf, Adaloald, Arioald, Rothari, Radoald, 
Aripert, Perctarit, and Godepert Accession of Grimoald 
[Accounts concerning the empire, Gregory the Great, 
Benevento, the Hunnish invasion, and the author's 
ancestry] 151 


Reigns of Grimoald, Perctarit and Cunincpert, and rebellion 
of Alahis [Events regarding the empire, Benevento, 
Spoleto and Friuli] 209 


Conclusion of Cunincpert' s reign Liutpert, Raginpert, Ari- 
pert II, Ansprand, Liutprand [Events in Benevento, the 
empire, Spoleto, and among the Franks and Saracens] . 250 

Ethnological Status of the Langobards 315 


Sources of Paul's History of the Langobards (a) Prankish 
sources Gregory of Tours Fredegarius (?) (b) Langobard 
sources Origo Gentis Langobardorum Secundus of Trent 
(c) Roman sources Eugippius, Gregory the Great, 
Marcus Casinensis, Venantius Fortunatus, Autpert, Life of 
Columban, Pliny, Justin, Cosmographer of Ravenna, Virgil, 



Donatus, Victor, Festus, Isidore, Jordanes, Justinian, Liber 
Pontificalis, Bede, Lost Annals, Madrid Catalogue, Speier 
and Bamberg-Oxford Catalogues of the provinces of Italy. 
Index of Sources 318 


Poems in honor of St. Benedict (Book I, ch. 26, of the 
History) 393 



1. The Langobard Migrations from the First to the Sixth 

Century 4I 

2. The Campaign of the Langobards Dukes in Gaul . . .100 

3. The Duchy of Tridentum 143 

4. The Provinces of Italy according to Paul the Deacon . . 380 





PAUL THE DEACON, sometimes called Paul Warne- 
fried from the name of his father, belonged to a dis- 
tinguished if not noble Langobard family 2 whose orig- 
inal founder Leupchis came from Pannonia to Italy 
with king Alboin, settled in the plain of Friuli 3 not far 
from Cividale 4 and left behind him at his death five 
sons who, while still young, were carried away into 
captivity on the occasion of the irruption of the Avars 
into the country about the year six hundred and ten. 

1 The greater part of what is known of the life of Paul the Dea- 
con is set forth in an article by Dr. Ludwig Bethmann, published 
in the Archiv der Gesellschaft fur altere deutsche Geschichtkunde 
(Vol. X, p. 247, see p. 254). The sources from which the facts 
are taken are there given in great detail and with full analysis. 
The above account is mainly a condensed paraphrase of the most 
important portions of Bethmann' s article. Where I have taken 
any statement from another source, that fact is mentioned in a 

J Dahn, 3, 4. 

* The epitaph of Paul declares that the ancestral estate lay upon 
the banks of the Timave (Waitz, p. 23). 

*Dahn, 3, 8. 






Four remained permanently in bondage, but Lopichis, 
the fifth, when he had reached the age of manhood, 
resolved to escape, and after many adventures returned 
to Italy. 1 There he found that his ancestral home was 
without a roof and full of briers and bushes, and that 
his inheritance was in the hands of strangers. With the 
help of relatives and friends he restored the house, yet 
he could not recover the rest of the father's property. 
He had a son Arichis, who was the father of Warne- 
fried, and Warnefried by his wife Theudelinda, had a 
daughter who retired at an early age into a cloister, and 
two sons, Arichis and Paul. 

Paul was born in Friuli 2 somewhere between the 
years 720 and 73O. i He was educated probably* at 
the court of king Ratchis who reigned from 744 to 749, 
or at the ducal court of his father Pemmo somewhat 
before that time. 5 Paul speaks of Flavianus as his 

'Paul's Hist. Langob., IV, 37 infra. 

* It is probable but not certain that he was born in Cividale 
(Dahn, 8 ; Tamassia in Atti e Memorie del Congresso Storico in 
Cividale, 1899, p. 15). 

8 Bethmann (p. 255) places it at 730, earlier commentators (id, 
note) say 720; Waitz (p. 13), 720 to 725; Hodgkin (p. 71), about 
725. The precise date is unknown. 

4 Uncertain however (Dahn, 9-10). 

5 The place of his education is uncertain. Bethmann (p. 255) 
thinks it was in Pavia. Abel (p. x) thinks it more probable it was 
at the ducal court of Ratchis or his father Pemmo in Cividale. His 
writings show an intimate knowledge of the affairs of the ducal 
family of that city (Tamassia in Atti e Memorie del Congresso 
Storico in Cividale, 1899, p. 15). 


teacher x and the instruction he received must have been 
excellent, if it be judged by the wide scope of his at- 
tainments. Among other things he learned the Greek 

At a later period we find evidences of his faithful at- 
tachment to Arichis, Duke of Benevento and his wife 
Adelperga, the daughter of Desiderius, the last Lango- 
bard king. In the spring or summer of 763, he wrote a 
poem in thirty-six trochaic lines giving the chronology 
of the different ages of the world and concluding with 
verses in honor of King Desiderius, of his son Adelchis 
and of the ducal pair. a It was written in the form of 
an acrostic and the initial letters of each verse spelled 
the words " Adelperga Pia." That this intercourse with 
the duke and duchess continued a long time appears 
from Paul's letter to Adelperga written several years later 
in which he speaks of his interest and participation in 
her studies. s He had recently given her to read the 
ten books of the Roman history of Eutropius, but as 
she complained that these were too short and contained 
nothing regarding the history of Christianity, Paul 
wrote for her one of his principal works, his " Roman 
History" in which he expanded Eutropius from other 
sources and in six additional books brought it down to 
the fall of the dominion of the Goths in Italy with the 

1 Felix the grammarian, the uncle of Flavianus, was an intimate 
friend of king Cunincpert. See Book VI, Ch. 7 infra. 

Waitz, 13; Dahn, 76. 

8 Dahn, 14 note. It seems probable that he was her instructor, 
perhaps at her father's court in Pavia (Atti e Memorie del Con- 
gresso Storico in Cividale, 1899, p. 18). 


intention of continuing it at a later time down to his own 
days. With a letter which is a beautiful memorial to 
the pious and cultured princess, he gave her this work 
some time between the years 766 and 774 T and the 
book (although of little importance to us now since its 
statements are taken almost wholly from other well- 
known sources) 2 became for nearly a thousand years a 
text-book of the history of the Empire of the West. 

There has been attributed to Paul on doubtful author- 
ity, 3 a hymn in praise of John the Baptist, the protect- 
ing saint of the Langobards, 4 which has become widely 
celebrated and is still sung on June 24th of each year 
by the whole Catholic church. From the first syllable 
of each of the verses of this hymn, tit, re, mi, fa, sol, 
la, Guido of Arezzo took the names for his notes, and 
the present system of musical solmisation had its origin 
here. It would seem from his writings that Paul had 
traveled considerably in Italy, for descriptions of things 
in Pavia, Bobbio, Monza, Asti, Rome and Benevento 
appear to be given from personal observation. These 
journeys (except the one to Rome) were probably 
taken before he became a monk. 5 It is not known 
when or where Paul received his consecration. Charle- 

1 Bethmann says between 766 and 781, but Mommsen (77 note) 
shows that this history was completed before 774, in which year 
Arichis exchanged his title of duke for that of prince. See also 
Dahn, 15. 

J Dahn, 16. 

See article by Capetti (Atti e Memorie del Congresso Storico 
in Cividale, 1899, p. 68). 

*Dahn, 18, 19. & Dahn, 27, 28. 


magne calls him a deacon in his circular written after 
782 ' regarding the collection of homilies, and he so 
speaks of himself in his homily upon St. Benedict. 
Elsewhere he calls himself merely Paul, but among 
others he goes by the name of Paul the Deacon. It is 
uncertain when and why he became a monk, 2 but it was 
in all probability 3 at the Benedictine monastery of 
Monte Cassino, the most famous cloister of that time 
where his former patron, king Ratchis, was perhaps still 
living when Paul there took his vows. Only this is cer- 
tain, that he became a monk before his journey to 
France, therefore before 782. It was either before this 
journey or during his sojourn in that kingdom that he 
wrote two poems in honor of St. Benedict and one in 
honor of St. Scolastica. 4 These poems, his sermon on 
St. Benedict and his letters show his devotion to the 

1 Probably about 786, Dahn, 21. 

8 It was very likely before he wrote this Roman history (Ta- 
massia in Atti e Memorie del Congresso Storico in Cividale, 1899, 
p. 1 8). 

*Dahn, 23. 

4 In the first of these poems Paul speaks of himself as "an 
exile, poor, helpless," which it is claimed' he would hardly 
have done after he had become one of the favorites of Charle- 
magne, and these expressions add weight to the contention of 
Dahn that he probably entered the cloister as a refuge after the 
fall of the Langobard monarchy in 774 (Dahn, 23-26). Ta- 
massia, however (Atti e Memorie del Congresso Storico in Civi- 
dale, 1899, pp. 21, 22), believes that his exile there mentioned 
refers to his involuntary detention at the court of Charlemagne, 
and that the favor he refers to in this distich is his return to his 
beloved monastery. The two poems to St. Benedict are given in 
Appendix III. 


father, believe me you holy and venerable band, I am 
kept here for a while only by a feeling of pity, only by 
the injunctions of love, only by the demand of the soul, 
and what is still more than all this, by the quiet power 
of our lord, the king. But as soon as I am healed and 
the Lord through our gracious sovereign shall take away 
from my prisoners the night of sorrow and the yoke of 
misery, I will straightway, as soon as I can obtain leave 
from our gracious prince, return to you without delay, 
and neither money, nor property, nor treasures of gold, 
nor the love of any man shall keep me from your com- 
pany. I implore you therefore, sweetest father, and 
you, O dearest fathers and brothers, that our good 
father and teacher Benedict may procure it through 
his merit with Christ that I can return to you right 
soon. I trust indeed in our God, who never lets any 
one be cheated in good wishes, that he may restore me 
to you with fitting fruit for my toil ' according to the 
desire of my longing heart. I do not need to write to 
you to pray for our sovereigns 2 and their army, since I 
know you are doing this unceasingly. Pray Christ also 
for the lord abbot,* by whose special kindness according 
to the royal grace I live here. Your number, my be- 
loved ones, is so great that if I wished to mention you 

1 Probably this refers to the liberation of his brother, though the 
meaning is not clear (Dahn, 35 note). 

1 Charlemagne and his sons, Pepin and Louis, who were conse- 
crated as kings at Easter, 781, in Rome. 

1 Probably abbot of St. Vincent or St. Arnulf in Metz, says Beth- 
mann (p. 262, note). Dahn (p. 33) insists there is no evidence of 


all one by one, this whole page would not suffice for 
your names. Wherefore I greet you all in common 
and pray you not to forget me. But I ask you, my 
master and venerable abbot, to write me concerning 
your welfare and that of the brothers, and what fortunes 
the present year has brought, and at the same time to 
send the names of the brothers who have been released 
from earthly fetters and have gone to Christ. For I 

hear that many of them have died, but especially , 

who, if it is really so, has taken with him no little part 
of my heart. Farewell, most holy father. Deign to 
remember your son." 

" Now of the month of Janus the tenth full day was elapsing 
When this letter was sent from the shore of the glassy Mosel, 
Brothers and father dearest, infinite greetings I give you." l 

Finally, the deliverance of the prisoners seems to have 
been obtained. A lively correspondence in verse be- 
tween Paul and the king is shown in poems which have 
come down to us containing hints of jests, enigmas and 
occurrences now lost. In one of these Paul thanked 
the king and praised heaven that had let him see the 
light after the darkness. In his answer " Paule sub 
umbroso," Charlemagne 2 rejoices at this change in 
Paul's feelings, but declares that he has still left three 
questions unanswered, namely whether he himself will 
bear heavy chains or lie in a hard dungeon, or go to the 

1 The verses are omitted in the letter as given by Dahn (79-81). 
1 In such correspondence the king was probably represented by 
some poet or grammarian of his court, 


Northmen and convert their king Sigfrid, " the impious 
lord of a pestiferous realm," and " touch his forehead 
with sanctifying water." 1 Paul answers that as the 
Northmen know no Latin he will seem like a dumb beast 
to them and they no better to him than shaggy goats, 
but he has no fear, for if they know he comes with the 
name of Charlemagne protecting him, they will not dare 
lift a finger against him, and if Sigfrid refuses baptism 
Paul will drag him to the foot of Charlemagne's throne 
with his hands bound behind his back, nor will his gods 
Thonar and Waten (Thor and Wotan) be of any avail.* 
In another poem, " Cynthius occiduas," Paul relates to 
the king that a messenger was sent to him from the 
court the evening before with fiery arrows 3 from his old 
and dear friend Peter. Early in the morning he has- 
tened to the court for the contest, but the shortness of 
the time did not allow him to retort suitably. 4 On the 
following morning, however, Peter would repent that he 
had treated his friend as an enemy. Evidently Peter of 
Pisa is meant, who appears to have been a kind of liter- 
ary fag for Charlemagne.* Peter writes on another oc- 
casion to Paul, " Lumine purpureo," that a riddle had 
been proposed to him which he did not know how to 
solve; what his weak arms could not do, Paul, who was 

1 An embassy frcm Sigfrid seeking peace had ccme to Charle- 
magne in 782 (Dahn, 40-41). 

*Hodgkin, V, 77. * Meaning letters. 

*See Dahn's explanation (43). 

5 Dahn I elievcs that Peter's letter was a challenge to some sort 
of a contest, perhaps of improvised verses (42, 43). 


" a great light upon the mountain," would accomplish. 
He, the mighty one in books who recently had been 
able to loose strong fetters (perhaps this refers to ob- 
taining the freedom of the prisoners 1 ) might also solve 
this riddle. Paul afterwards determined (probably at 
the king's earnest desire) to remain at least a consider- 
able time in France. Charles expresses his great joy at 
this determination in a poem composed by Peter, 
" Nos dicamus," 2 and deems himself happy that the most 
learned of poets and seers, a Homer in Greek, a Virgil 
in poetry, a Philo in Hebrew, a Tertullus in the arts, a 
Horace in the metrical art, a Tibullus in expression 
that this man will strike his roots in the soil of his affec- 
tion and no more turn his heart to his old home. He 
especially thanks Paul for the instruction in Greek which 
he is giving to so many, particularly the clergy who are 
soon to accompany his daughter Rotrud to Constanti- 
nople. 3 Thus a glory will be raised up for France which 
he the king had never hoped for before. Paul in his 
answer " Sensi cujus," 4 modestly disclaims any right to 
these compliments. He knows very little, he says ; he 
cannot offer treasures to the king, but only his good 
will ; only the anchor of his love keeps him at court ; he 

1 See Dahn, 44, however. 

1 Waitz (p. 17) gives this poem. 

'Rotrud was betrothed in Rome on Easter 781 to the heir of 
the thrcne of Eyzantium (Dahn, 46, 47). She was then cnly nine 
years eld and her departure for Constantinople was to take place 
some years later. The match was broken off by Charlemagne in 
March, 787 (Dahn, 47, 48). 

i Waitz, p. 1 8. 


does not seek foolish glory in the sciences ; if the clergy 
in Constantinople could not utter any more Greek than 
they had learned from him, they would stand there like 
dumb statues. Yet still, to show himself not quite un- 
skilled in languages, he subjoins the translation of a 
Greek epigram that he remembers from his school days. 
On another occasion Paul, in a poem to the king which 
is now lost, expressed the wish that God might still add 
fifteen years to the term of his life, the same as to Heze- 
kiah. Charles in his answer by the pen of his secretary 
Alcuin, 1 wishes Paul a prolongation of life for fifteen 
hours and makes merry with him that he first wanted to 
cut off the neck of his enemy with a sword and now 
could hold neither shield nor sword on account of his 
fear and old age. 

We see from these and other poems how the king 
himself took part in the verses, jokes, riddles and con- 
tests with which the learned circle at his court amused 
itself. Charlemagne well understood how to draw ser- 
vice from the many-sided learning of Paul. Upon the 
king's command, Paul wrote epitaphs to Queen Hilde- 
gard, to her daughters Adelheid and Hildegard, and to 
Pepin's daughters, Adelheid and Rotaidis with which 
the king (probably in 783)" caused their graves in St. 
Arnulf at Metz to be decorated. 3 About this time also 
Paul gave to Charlemagne an extract from the work of 
Pompeius Festus " On the Signification of Words," and 
Mommsen well observes (p. 97) that among the char- 

1 Hodgkin, V, 77. * Dahn, 48, 49. 

*Abel, p. xvi ; Waitz, p. 19. 


acteristic traits of our remarkable scholar, it was not the 
least engaging that Paul took an interest, not merely in 
the Roman historians, but in the lexicon of the language 
and antiquities of Rome. A more important task was 
the collection and revision of the homilies of the fathers 
of the church which he made by order of the king, and 
which was possibly commenced about this time, * though 
not completed until after his return to Monte Cassino. 
Paul's collection has been in use for a thousand years 
in the whole Catholic church and it is easy to see what 
a profound influence he has had in this way not only 
upon the church but upon culture and literature. 

It was after 783 2 that Paul wrote, upon the request of 
Angilram, Bishop of Metzs a history of the bishops 
of that diocese. In this work, which was written in the 
manner of the " Book of the Popes," he treats with special 
minuteness of detail of the family and ancestry of Charle- 
magne, and it is clear that his object is to justify the rise 
of the Carlovingians to the throne and to represent them 
as a legitimate sovereign house. Besides this work he 

1 Bethmann (p. 265) considers that this collection was written 
A. D. 783. Dahn (pp. 52, 53) followed by Waitz (p. 20) infers 
from the poem written to Charlemagne (see same page) that it was 
not finished until after Paul's return to the monastery of Monte 
Cassino and that it must have been written between 786 and 797 
(Dahn, 54). 

'After the marriage of Charles with Fastrada, says Abel (p. 
xvn) but before she had borne him any children. See also 
Dahn, 49, 50. 

8 Hist. Langob., infra VI, Ch. 16. Angilram died in 791 (Abel, 
p. xvn). 


composed a catalogue of the bishops in short verse. 
Most of the time that Paul was in France he prob- 
bably spent at Dietenhofen 1 and Metz. Sometimes 
however he stayed for a while at other places, as in 
Poictiers in the cloister of St. Hilarius 3 where, at the 
request of the abbot Aper, he composed an epitaph on 
the poet Venantius Fortunatus.' When Paul was at 
Charlemagne's court he was lodged in a hospitium not 
far from the palace and was entertained by the king. 4 

But the longing for his own cloister forced him, after 
a few years, to abandon France, and in the summer of 
787 we find him again in Benevento. He either crossed 
the Alps with the king in December 786, or he had 
already left France before this expedition, It was at 
Rome and possibly on his way to Monte Cassino that 
he composed a short biography of Gregory the Great,* 
though the date of that work is not certainly known. 6 
On the 25th of August 787, shortly after his return to 
Benevento, his patron Arichis died. Paul celebrated 
his memory in a beautiful epitaph composed in distichs, 
a memorial which honors the faithful devotion of the 
poet as well as the prince. 7 

The respect and love which Paul enjoyed in the clois- 

1 Hist. Langob., infra I, 5. Hist. Langob., II, 13. 


* Hodgkin, V, p. 76. 

1 Abel, xvn, Waitz, p. 22. 

It was some years before he wrcte the third book of his History 
of the Langobards (III, 24 infra). 

' This was written before the summer of 788 (Dahn, 55). 


ter is testified by his pupil Hilderic in an epitaph which 
attributes to him piety, love, peaceableness, patience, 
simplicity, concord, in short, " every good quality at 
one and the same time." Charlemagne also repeatedly 
expresses his heartfelt affection and honor for the old 
man in the poems " Christe pater" and " Parvula rex 
Carolus." The king visited Monte Cassino in the spring 
of 787 and formed the project of improving monastic 
life in the Prankish kingdom from its example. Some- 
time after his return home T he asked the abbot Theu- 
dcmar to give him for this purpose a copy of the " Rule 
of the Order" from Benedict's original manuscript, 
and also to send him the monk Joseph whom he de- 
sired to place at the head of his own model cloister. 
The abbot assigned to our Paul the duty of answering 
the king in the name of the monastery. It is said that 
this became the occasion for a detailed explanation of 
the Rule, which Paul composed at the request of the 
abbot and monks. 3 It was also after he returned to the 
cloister that he composed the sermons attributed to him, 
of which only four have been preserved, 3 as well as the 
last and most important work of his life " The History 
of the Langobards." When he gave his Roman History 
to Adelperga he had the design of bringing it down at 
a later period to his own time. 4 Other things had oc- 

1 Perhaps in 792 (see Dahn, 62). 

2 Dahn (62-63) disputes Paul's authorship of this work. 

3 The MSS. are described by Bethmann, (302). Dahn (71) 
considers the sermons not sufficiently authenticated. 

*Abel, p. xix. 


curred in the meantime. The fall of the Langobard 
kingdom had made a great change. Now in the even- 
ing of a long and active life, from the sun-lit heights of 
the quiet monastery, he thought again of his old plan 
and carried it out in an altered form as the history of 
his own people into which he interwove what seemed 
appropriate in the history of the Prankish kingdom and 
the Eastern empire. 1 But before its completion, death 
carried the old man away. The 1 3th day of April was 
the day of his death, but the year :s unknown. 2 He 
was buried in the cloister near the chapter hall, and the 
monk of Salerno afterwards saw his epitaph, but at the 
present time every trace of his tomb has disappeared. 

1 The connection between his Roman and Langobard histories 
is very close. The first is brought down to Totila's death in 552 
and the i6th book closes with the statement that what remains to 
be said of the good fortune of the emperor Justinian is to be re- 
lated in a subsequent book. This subsequent book never ap- 
peared, but the " History of the Langobards " took its place. The 
events of Justinian's reign described in the Roman history, the 
Persian war, the conquest of Africa and the Gothic kingdom, are 
compressed into the smallest compass, while matters omitted 
in the Roman history are treated more in detail, e. g. , the con- 
quest of Amtalas, king of the Moors, the laws of Justinian, the 
building of St. Sophia and the general estimate of Justinian's 
character. The Gothic war is resumed at the point where the 
Roman history breaks off, that is with the struggle between 
Narses and Buccellinus, A. D. 553, except that the account of the 
sending of auxiliary troops by the Langobards to Narses is pre- 
fixed to it, although this occurred during Totila's life (Mommsen, 

* It occurred probably between A. D. 790 and 800 (Hodgkin, 
V, 78). 


Paul's life was the life of a man of learning. 1 It was 
not given to him to develop great qualities. Quiet and 
modest, but honored and loved by all who lived with 
him, and dear to his royal and princely patrons, he 
found complete contentment in retirement and in his 
work as an instructor and author. No reproach has 
anywhere been made against him. No dishonorable 
trait appears in his work, or in his life. Everything 
which has been written to him or about him expresses 
only love and honor. Lofty flights were unknown to 
him; his fundamental traits were fidelity, devotion to 
his prince and love for his people. His religious ten- 
dency was of a practical and reasonable kind. He was 
disinclined to questions of dogmatic controversy and 
contemplative speculation. In his Life of St. Gregory 
he declares it unnecessary to relate miracles, since there 
is no need of them in order to judge of men. 

Paul's culture belongs to the most comprehensive of 
his time. A Langobard by birth, he learned from 
childhood the language of his people, its laws, its cus- 
toms and its old historic legends, the rich fragments of 
which adorn his historical work. The Latin language, 
the ancient and Christian authors and whatever else be- 
longs to the culture of a churchman, he studied under 
one of the best teachers of the Langobard kingdom and 
perhaps (according to the statement of his pupil Hil- 
deric) under the encouragement of the king himself. 
But what particularly distinguished him, especially in 
France, was his knowledge of Greek, which was there 
very rare. 

'Betfcmann, 273. 


His general learning was not inferior to his unusual 
knowledge of languages. The Bible, the fathers of the 
church, the current classics, Eutropius, Florus, Eusebius, 
Orosius, Prosper, Jordanes, Fortunatus, Gregory the 
Great, Gregory of Tours, Isidore Eugippius, the various 
lives of the popes, Marcus of Monte Cassino, Ambrosius, 
Autpert, Secundus of Trent, the old Langobard chron- 
icle, Rothari's book of laws, the lives of Columban, Arn- 
ulf, etc., are mentioned and used by him, and they will 
be far from all that he has read. 

His many-sided learning is shown in his manner of 
writing which evinces a diligent reading of the classics 
and much training. His language on the whole is cor- 
rect, though barbarisms occur on account of the fact 
that the Latin language in the Middle Ages was by no 
means a dead one, but had a peculiar and inevitable 
development as a living tongue. These barbarisms are 
found in equal measure in all the writings of the time, 
not excepting Bede, Alcuin and Eginhard. 1 

1 After a thorough review of the manuscripts and their genealo- 
gies, Waitz (Neues Archiv I, p. 561), differing from Bethmann, at- 
tributes to Paul himself, and not merely to his copyists and tran- 
scribers, numerous departures from the ordinary rules of orthog- 
raphy and grammar. In addition to mere mistakes and varia- 
tions in spelling, e. g., doctor for ductor (Paul Hist. Langob., II, 
9), and irregular verbal forms, accesscrant for acciderant(\\\, 5), 
sincbit (V, 8) erabamus (V, 40) vcllit for vellet (II, 4), inrucritfor 
inrueret (VI, 24); we find such expressions as minim dictum for 
dictu (IV, 2); the use of domiti as a genitive (VI, 16, 23); the 
omission of the final s in the genitive, e. g., superiori (IV, 16) ; 
caesarem used as vocative (III, 12) ; the forms juvenulus (V, 7), 
primis (I, 9) meaning "at first;" ad for a or ab, e. g. t ad 


Paul belongs in language and expression to the best 

Sitavts (III, 7); adducunt for abducunt (IV, 37). Among the 
grammatical peculiarities are the interchange of genders, e. g. , 
praefato sinodo (VI, 4), ad qitod profectum (I, 4), fluviiim quod 
(IV, 45), montem quoddam (III, 34), illud ornatum (V, 13), ritunt 
imperiale (III, 12), alium consilium (VI, 36), talem votum (II, 
27), multos pondus (III, 34). 

The accusative is used for the ablative or other cases, e.g., 
manum for manu (VI, 32), gratiant for gratia (VI, 44), vitam ex- 
emptus est (VI, 56). ducatum expulit (VI, 57), adventum extetri- 
tusest(\V, 8), regnum potitus (VI, 35), /^^ <?j/ magnum thesau- 
rum (III, 11). The accusative absolute is used, <?. -., vacatum 
interpretem (III, 2), "vocatum pontificem (III, 12), Unulfum ad- 
scitum (V, 2). The nominative also is thus used, Franci cum 
Saxonibus pugnantes, magna stranges facta est (IV, 31); ad cere- 
brum ictus prevenicus, hostis ab equo dejectus est (IV, 37). Some- 
times accusative and ablative are united, especially when two sub- 
stantives belong to the participle, e. g., ordinatis Iboret Aionem (I, 
3), Adunatis gentibus Rugorumque partem (I, 19), Accepta obside 
sororem (V, 8); but also alone, facta pacem(\\\, 27), nemine scien- 
tem (IV, 40), relicto puerum (IV, 41), Cyrum ejecto (VI, 34), eum 
residence (VI, 37) Also the nominative and ablative, extincto 
Mauricio ejus filius (IV, 36) See also annum et mensibtts (IV, 44), 
eodemque volumen, eodem codicem (I, 25), eodem ostium (V, 3), 
eodem cubiculum (V, 2), eadem urbem (II, 13), eadem civitatem 
(VI, 13), eadem basilicam (III, 23), eadem provinciam (VI, 24), 
cuncta suppellectilem (VI, 57), in medio campum (IV, 37), regia 
dignitatem (\\\ t 35), subito adventum (V, 9), ei pugnaturum (II, l), 
We find also the use of improper cases after prepositions, in in- 
sulam communivit (VI, 19), Habitaverunt in Pannoniam (II, 7), 
in caelum apparuisse (IV, 1 5), inpalatium manere (V, 4), in silvam 
latens (V, 39), in medium civitatis concremari fecit (VI, 49), in reg- 
num gerebat principatum (VI, 23), in quam partem quiesceret (^ ', 
34), cum victoriam (IV, 1 6), de ad-ventum (V, 8), de Unulfum (V, 
3), de Brittaniam (VI, 37), a Fano civitatem (VI, 57), ab orientis 
partem (II, 16), Pro redemptionem (VI, 40), sub regulae jugum 


of the early Middle Ages. ' He was not born to be a 
poet although single poems of his are not lacking in 
beauties and he manages with ease the different kinds 
of verse. He chooses in preference the old forms of 
versification, the hexameter, the elegiac, Sapphic, 
Alcaic, and Archilochian meters, but he also uses a 

vivere (VI, 40). For a subject placed in the accusative see Pan- 
noniam pertingat (II, 8), rex Uutprandum (VI, 58). Ablative 
forms are also improperly used, in Francia misit (IV, I), in 
Francia fugeret (VI, 35), in Alexandria direxit (VI, 36), in qua 
confugetat (III, 18), in basilica confugit (VI, 5 1), in gratia rcccptus 
(IV, 3), ad terra (III, 24), ad fine (I, 21), in partibus divisus (III, 
24), ob detrimento (III, 17), per media (V, 3), apud filio (IV, 29), 
apud basilica (IV, 42). Sometimes the object stands in the abla- 
tive, qua gerebat (I, 15), qua gestabat (III, 30), sua farcira sus- 
pendit (IV, 37), prima se scribebat (IV, 36), manu tctigit (III, 30), 
occasions repperit (III, 18), eodem pcrcitssit (IV, 51), eodem poni 
fecit : (III, 34), bellogessisset(\V, 16), evaginato ense tencns (IV, 51). 
Once it stands in the dative, ducatui gubcrna-vit (VI, 3). Some- 
times the nominative appears with the infinitive, as Gambara pos- 
tulasse, Frea consilium dedisse subjunxisse (I, 8), Peredeo di- 
rectus esse (II, 30). We find also the letter t added to the infin- 
itive, e.g., se vellet for se vclle (V, 4). From these instances 
Waitz infers that Paul's writing was greatly influenced by the cor- 
rupt Latin in vogue at the time. No doubt this is true, but prob- 
ably most of Paul's readers will attribute the larger portion of 
these errors in the early manuscripts to the carelessness of an 
original amanuensis or of ignorant transcribers, or to the mere 
oversight of the learned historian. The generally grammatical 
character of his verse would indicate that he had a good knowl- 
edge of what correct Latin ought to be. 

1 Abel considers (p. xxi) that in this respect the History of the 
Langobards, which he left incomplete, is inferior to his remaining 


more modern form consisting of three lines, each com- 
posed of eight long and seven short syllables. From 
the affectations which gradually got the upper hand 
among the Christian poets he has kept himself quite 
free with two exceptions, the acrostic to Adelperga, 
composed after the model of Ennodius and Fortunatus, 
and the reciprocal distichs on St. Benedict 1 and Scho- 
lastica, where the first part of the first line is repeated 
at the end of the second. Rhyme is not used by 
Paul. His hymn on the translation of St. Mercurius 
would be an exception, but for this very reason it ap- 
pears doubtful whether he was its author. 

Paul's principal work was in history. He found this 
branch of knowledge cultivated in several directions. 
They include: 

(1) The condensed Roman histories of the time with 
additions made by Christian authors to include Jewish 
and pre-Roman history as well as the history of the 

(2) The consular lists to which historical observa- 
tions were added. 

(3) The Annals, a development of Easter tablets, 
which were hung up in the churches in the effort to 
secure uniformity in celebrating church festivals. 

(4) The Chronicles, an extension of the theory of 
the Annals to general chronology. 

(5) Accounts of the " Six Ages of the World." 

(6) Histories of particular German nations, Franks, 
Goths, Anglo-Saxons, etc. 

1 See Append!:: III. 


(7) Biographies, including Lives of the Saints and 
the Popes. 1 

Paul attempted only the first and the last two of 

But what came at an early time into all these branches 
of historical writing, and showed in a surprising way the 
decadence of a spiritually creative life, was the ever-in- 
creasing compiling and copying. All the historians of 
the time copy from each other and from their predeces- 
sors, and give us next to nothing that is original. Paul 
could not withdraw himself from the spirit, or rather the 
lack of spirit of his age. He was also properly a com- 
piler. It was his nature to collect and transmit in more 
convenient form what was at hand, not to create any- 
thing new. Still, there is never with him a mere rough 
patching together. He selects and examines his sources, 
tries to bring their accounts into harmony, and in a gen- 
eral way he makes use of criticism, even though he is 
not always happy in this. Especially have his critical 
efforts, joined with his method of compilation, operated 
injuriously upon his chronology. To bind together the 
fragments of his different sources he inserts quite arbi- 
trarily the words " After some years " or " At this time " 
or " In these days" or " After these things," and often 
quite erroneously, so that phrases of this kind can never 
pass as authority, since they have their origin simply in 
a matter of style. Sometimes he throws into confusion 
the sequence of the narrative, even where he adheres to 
the words of his sources, so that quite a different chron- 

1 Bethmann, 278 to 282. 


ology results. Other things he puts together very 
loosely without natural connection, and the fact that he 
puts them in a certain order does not show that they 
really occurred in that order. 1 

For chronology therefore he must be used with the 
greatest caution, and where he differs from other ancient 
sources, the probability is that the error is with him and 
not with them.* He is not lacking in other errors, but 
these are much oftener to be attributed to his sources 
than to himself. He has been reproached for credulity, 
and certainly scientific criticism is not his prominent 

1 Bethmann, 283, 284. He had intended to write merely an ex- 
tension of his continuation of Eutropius. This would belong to 
universal history and would be written in chronological order, and 
when, in place of this, he later writes a history of his own people, he 
was still unwilling to give up his earlier point of view and he there- 
fore pursues his history in three threads interweaving in briefer 
fashion with his extended Langobard narrative, matters concern- 
ing the Eastern empire and the kingdom of the Franks (Mommsen, 
56). This is by no means to the advantage of the narrative since 
the principal thread of the story is continually interrupted without 
any proper compensation to the writer in the matters which are 
thus interjected and which are generally copied almost word for 
word out of well-known sources. But as a mark of the tendency 
to fuse together Roman and Germanic traditions and history it is 
of the highest importance. 

1 His chronological arrangement is based to a considerable ex- 
tent upon Bede's Chronicle since the years of the reigns of the 
emperors of the East, besides those of the Langobard kings form 
the principal support of the order of his narrative. In a very few 
cases he gives the indiction, and only once (in regard to Alboin'g 
invasion, A. D. 568) the year of our Lord (Jacobi, 3), 


characteristic. But what he relates of miracles and 
wonderful things is due in part to the times, and in part 
to the traditions of his people which he tells with 
affection, without everywhere wishing to vouch for their 
accuracy, as he sometimes lets us perceive. His love of 
truth, the first quality of a writer of history, is unques- 
tioned. He desires continually and everywhere to give 
us the facts. Where he fails it is never with knowledge 
and will. 

His whole nature was without anger and prejudice. 
Partisan views, passionate judgments, the sacred rage of 
a Tacitus, an Ambrose or a Jeremiah, are not to be ex- 
pected from him, but rather impartiality and independ- 
ence of judgment. While his source, the official " Book 
of the Popes," speaks only evil of Liutprand, Paul praises 
him in the most decided way. On the other hand, all 
his love for his people does not prevent his doing full 
justice to Gregory the Great, and again, with all his 
reverence for Gregory, in the contest of the Pope with 
the church of Aquileia, he decidedly takes the part of 
the latter. 1 Muratori accuses him unjustly of being a 
partisan of his own people. He undoubtedly loved his 
people. It was this love which induced him to write his 
history. It causes him to speak in particular detail of 
his own home, it prevents his becoming a partisan of 
the Catholics and the admirers of Gregory against the 

1 It may well be, however, as Cipolla believes (Atti e Memorie 
del Congresso Storico in Cividale, 1899, p. 144) that Paul, not 
fully understanding the controversy, considered that Gregory was 
on the side of the church of Aquileia. 


Langobards, but it has not induced him to distort the 
truth, or to set forth in a partisan manner, nothing but 
the glory of his people, and if he sometimes omits things 
where his silence may seem partial, for example, the 
evil things that Procopius, the " Book of the Popes," 
and Gregory relate of the Langobards, this is not 
proof that he wanted to conceal them, since he often 
omits other important facts, and he relates on the other 
hand many things disadvantageous to the Langobards. 
Indeed, his judgment of his own people, as well as 
of individual Langobards, is sometimes severe. He 
shows a desire to please Charlemagne in the long di- 
gression concerning the forefathers and family of that 
king in his " History of the Bishops of Metz," but here 
too he does not depart from the truth ; and when he 
says Rome desired the presence of Charlemagne because 
it was then suffering from the oppression of the Lango- 
bards, this was true even in the mouth of a Langobard, 
and that he praises the conqueror of his people on ac- 
count of his mildness cannot well be called flattery. 
He shows the same feeling for truth and simplicity in 
his plain diction. There are no speeches according to 
the manner of the ancients and of Jordanes ; there are 
no great character-portraits depending more or less 
upon the coloring of the artist; there is no word- 
painting with the single exception of his lively descrip- 
tion of the plague in Book II, Ch. IV, and this he 
certainly did not derive from his imagination. 4 

1 The paraphrase from Bethmann (p. 286) ceases at this point. 
The remainder of the article is from the authorities given below. 


Mommsen z says, " Paul has hardly written down any 
statements which he himself did not consider true, but 
often he came to his conviction of their truth by means of 
conclusions which are contestable and doubtful, and which 
it is not always easy to follow." The " History of the 
Langobards " gives evidence of incompleteness and care- 
lessness in places, 2 but Mommsen believes that, in general, 
Paul cannot be so much accused of thoughtlessness as of 
pondering too deeply over the use of his authorities and 
becoming deceived thereby, and he adds that we must take 
care not to receive as evidence his mere deductions, as, 
for example, where Paul finds in his authorities that the 
two contending kings, Odoacar and Fewa, both reigned 
over the Rugians, and reconciles this contradiction by 
attributing the sovereignty of Odoacar to a part only 
of that people. 

Jacobi concludes his comprehensive and scholarly re- 
view of the sources of the " History of the Langobards " 
with the observation that a great part of Paul's state- 
ments are without value as sources of history, because 
they can be traced back to other sources which are still 
preserved ; that that which cannot be so traced has value 
only where we can accept the view that he has accu- 
rately followed his copy, as in the lost work of Secundus ; 
but that where we cannot determine from the form of 
the unknown source the manner in which it has been 
used, our knowledge of the way in which Paul is accus- 
tomed to work must admonish us to exercise the great- 
est caution ; that much that he relates is undoubtedly 

'Pp. 102, 103. * Jacobi, 2. 


traditional, but that in spite of this, Paul's " History of 
the Langobards," though hitherto prized beyond its 
value, must be reckoned as one of the more prominent 
sources of the Middle Ages on account of the consider- 
able number of original statements which it contains. 1 
Among the critics of Paul it is Jacobi who gives him the 
lowest rank, and this is doubtless due to the fact that 
his point of view considers Paul's work simply as a source 
of historical facts without reference to the literary char- 
acter or the general tendencies of that work. 

Mommsen's view is a broader one. He says : a "It is 
difficult to judge of the spiritual gifts of those men who 
have worked upon the incunabula of history, as difficult 
as it is to form a correct judgment from the works of 
primitive sculptors and painters in regard to the artistic 
qualifications of the master. But without doubt Paul 
takes a peculiar literary position to this extent, that 
Roman culture had become incorporated in him to 
such a degree as is quite without another example in 
this epoch. He wrote indeed the Latin of his time, and 
while his verses, especially the hexameters and the dis- 
tichs, are relatively correct, he did not refrain from 
using in prose the unclassical forms then usual, for 
example, the accusative absolute (in place of the ab- 
lative absolute) and the participle turned into a sub- 
stantive quite separated from any context. But one 
who is acquainted in any degree with the halting and 
bungling writings that were composed at that time looks 
with astonishment upon his thoroughly clear and gener- 

1 Jacobi, p. 87. J Pp. 54, 55, 56. 


erally correct Latin, his reasonable structure of sen- 
tences, free from all affectation, and his skill in form 
and style. Quite apart from the substance of his nar- 
rative it is well to picture to ourselves how he has con- 
structed his historical work out of the most scattered 
sources into unity of form and with full mastery over 
the style of the whole. The ground-floor of his work 
is, as is well known, the condensed historical sketch of 
Eutropius, elegant in its way and taken from the Greek 
form. It is evident that Paul took Eutropius generally 
for his model, and this testifies in favor of his correct 
taste. . . . But it is remarkable in what tolerable fashion 
he has moulded together the pulpit style of Orosius, the 
anecdotes of the Books of Examples, the accounts 
of the Roman, Langobard and Prankish annals and 
histories (sometimes disjointed, sometimes running on 
in great detail), and the rude legends of the Langobard 
Origo, and has in a way tuned them up and tuned them 
down to the manner of Eutropius, going as far back as 
King lanus of Italy and down to King Liutprand. This 
involves such a knowledge and interest in classical liter- 
ature as does not occur again in the same breadth and 
fulness before the time of the Renaissance. . . This 
energy in Roman classical culture was united in Paul 
with an earnest national feeling which was rather in- 
creased than diminished upon the overthrow of the 
Langobard kingdom. He has written under these in- 
fluences, and even to-day his pages show the double 
marks of classical and national feeling." 




The region of the north, in proportion as it is removed 
from the heat of the sun and is chilled with snow and 
frost, is so much the more healthful to the bodies of men 
and fitted for the propagation of nations, just as, on the 
other hand, every southern region, the nearer it is to the 
heat of the sun, the more it abounds in diseases and is 
less fitted for the bringing up of the human race. From 
this it happens that such great multitudes of peoples 
spring up in the north, and that that entire region from 
the Tanais (Don) to the west 1 (although single places 
in it are designated by their own names) yet the whole 
is not improperly called by the general name of Ger- 
many. 2 The Romans, however, when they occupied 

1 Paul's designation of the whole region from the Don to the 
west, as Germany, which is wholly incorrect, appears, according 
to Mommsen (p. 61), to have come from his misinterpretation of 
the words of his authority, Isidore of Seville. 

* Paul appears to deduce the name ' ' Germany ' ' from ger- 
minare to germinate. Cf. Isidore, Etym., XIV, 4, 2. This fanci- 
ful derivation is quite different from that given by Tacitus (Ger- 
mania, II), who derives it from the name of a single tribe after- 
wards called the Tungrians, who were the first to cross the Rhine, 
and drive out the Gauls, 


those parts, called the two provinces beyond the Rhine, 
Upper and Lower Germany. x From this teeming Ger- 
many then, innumerable troops of captives are often 
led away and sold for gain to the people of the South. 
And for the reason that it brings forth so many human 
beings that it can scarcely nourish them, there have fre- 
quently emigrated from it many nations that have indeed 
become the scourge of portions of Asia, but especially 
of the parts of Europe which lie next to it. Every- 
where ruined cities throughout all Illyria and Gaul testify 
to this, but most of all in unhappy Italy which has felt 
the cruel rage of nearly all these nations. The Goths 
indeed, and the Wandals, the Rugii, Heroli, and Turci- 
lingi, 2 and also other fierce and barbarous nations have 
come from Germany. In like manner also the race of 

1 ' ' Beyond the Rhine ' ' means in this case on the left bank of 
the Rhine. The dividing line between Upper and Lower Ger- 
many ran a little below the junction of the Rhine with the Moselle. 
Mogontiacum (Mayence) was the capital of Upper Germany, and 
Vetera (Birten) near Wesel, of Lower Germany. (Mommsen's 
Geschichte des romischen Reichs, V, pp. 107-109). Although 
these two provinces included at various times more or less 
territory on the east side of that river, it was only a small part of 
Germany which was thus occupied by the Romans. Germania 
Magna, or Great Germany, east of the Rhine, remained inde- 

2 The Rugii and Turcilingi were tribes first mentioned as inhab- 
iting the shores of the Baltic sea (Zeuss, 154-155). They were 
subsequently found in the army of Attila and afterwards dwelling 
on the Danube. The Heroli were a migratory people appearing 
at different times in various parts of Europe (Zeuss, 476). All 
three of these tribes were among the troops of Odoacar in Italy. 
As to the Heroli and Rugii see infra, chs. 19 and 20. 

BOOK I. 3 

Winnili, l that is, of Langobards, which afterwards ruled 
prosperously in Italy, deducing its origin from the Ger- 
man peoples, came from the island which is called 
Scadinavia, 2 although other causes of their emigration 3 
are also alleged. 4 


Pliny the Second also makes mention of this island 
in the books which he composed concerning the nature 
of things. This island then, as those who have ex- 
amined it have related to us, is not so much placed in 
the sea as it is washed about by the sea waves which en- 
compass the land on account of the flatness of the 
shores. 5 Since, therefore, the peoples established 

1 The word means ' ' eager for battle ' ' according to Bruckner 
(322). According to Schmidt (37) it is related to the Gothic vinja, 
' ' pasture. ' ' 

1 That Paul wrote Scadinavia and not Scandinavia see Momm- 
sen, 62, note i. In the Langobard Origo (see Appendix, II) 
the name is given as Scadan, Scandanan or Scadanan ; in the 
Chronicon Gothanum, it is Scatenauge (Mon. Germ. Hist. Leges 
IV, p. 642). Paul appears to have transformed this into Scadinavia 
from Pliny's Natural History (Book IV, ch. 27, p. 823, Delphin 

3 Than over population (Jacobi, 1 2). 

* The other causes of the emigration of the Winnili may be those 
suggested in the Chronicon Gothanum where the prophetess or 
sibyl Gambara "declared to them their migration." "Moved 
therefore not by necessity, nor hardness of heart, nor oppression 
of the poor, but that they should attain salvation from on high, 
she says that they are to go forth." (Monument, Germ. Hist. 
Leges, IV, 641.). 

6 What Paul meant by this island is hard to decide (Jacobi, ll). 


within the island had grown to so great a multitude that 
they could not now dwell together, they divided their 
whole troop into three parts, as is said, and determined 
by lot which part of them had to forsake their country 
and seek new abodes. x 

Hammerstein (Bardengau, 51) has pointed out that in the Middle 
Ages the territory in the north of Germany, between the North 
and the Baltic seas, was included under the name of Scandinavia, 
and claims that Paul referred to the so-called Bardengau, a tract 
in Northern Germany, southeast of Hamburg. But the fact that 
Paul calls upon Pliny is a proof that he had no definite idea of 
Scadinavia, and notwithstanding the extensive movement of the 
tide upon the Elbe and the important changes on the coast, it can 
hardly be said of Bardengau that it was ' ' surrounded ' ' by sea 
waves. Bluhme (Die Gens Langobardonum und ihre Herkunft), 
without sufficient reason, identifies the northernmost part of the 
Cimbrian peninsula, the so-called Wendsyssel, with Scadinavia. 
(See Schmidt, 36). 

Schmidt (38 to 42) reviews the classical authorities, Mela, Pliny 
and Ptolemy, as well as Jordanes, the Geographer of Ravenna, 
and the Song of Beowulf, and concludes that the word refers to 
the Scandinavian peninsula which was then considered an island; 
but he rejects the tradition that the Langobards actually migrated 
from Sweden to Germany, since he considers that they belonged 
to the West-German stock, which in all probability came from the 
south-east, while only North-Germans (that is, those races which 
were found settled in Scandinavia in historical times) appear to 
have come from that peninsula. It is probable, however, that 
the Langobards came from North-German stock (Bruckner, 25- 
32), and while there can be no certainty whatever as to the place 
of their origin, it may well have been Scandinavia. 

1 The choosing by lot of a part of the people for emigration in 
the case of a famine is a characteristic peculiar to German folk- 
tales (Schmidt, 42). 

BOOK I. 5 


Therefore that section to which fate had assigned 
the abandonment of their native soil and the search for 
foreign fields, after two leaders had been appointed 
over them, to wit : Ibor and Aio, 1 who were brothers, 
in the bloom of youthful vigor and more eminent than 
the rest, said farewell to their own people, as well as 
their country, and set out upon their way to seek for 
lands where they might dwell and establish their abodes. 
The mother of these leaders, Gambara by name, 2 was 
a woman of the keenest ability and most prudent in 
counsel among her people, and they trusted not a little 
to her shrewdness in doubtful matters. 


I do not think it is without advantage to put off for 
a little while the order of my narrative, and because my 
pen up to this time deals with Germany, to relate briefly 
a miracle which is there considered notable among all, 
as well as certain other matters. In the farthest bound- 
aries of Germany toward the west-north-west, on the 
shore of the ocean itself, a cave is seen under a project- 
ing rock, where for an unknown time seven men repose 

1 Ibor and Aio were called by Prosper of Aquitaine, Iborea and 
Agio ; Saxo-Grammaticus calls them Ebbo and Aggo ; the popu- 
lar song of Gothland (Bethmann, 342), Ebbe and Aaghe (Wiese, 

1 The word gambar, according to Grimm (Deutsche Mythologie, 
I> 336), is the equivalent of strenuus. 


wrapped in a long sleep, 1 not only their bodies, but also 
their clothes being so uninjured, that from this fact 
alone, that they last without decay through the course 
of so many years, they are held in veneration among 
those ignorant and barbarous peoples. These then, so 
far as regards their dress, are perceived to be Romans. 
When a certain man, stirred by cupidity, wanted to strip 
one of them, straightway his arms withered, as is said, 
and his punishment so frightened the others that no one 
dared touch them further. The future will show for 
what useful purpose Divine Providence keeps them 

1 This is the version by Paul of the story of the Seven Sleepers 
of Ephesus. The earliest version is that of Jacobus Sarugiensis, 
a bishop of Mesopotamia in the fifth or sixth century. Gregory of 
Tours was perhaps the first to introduce the legend into Europe. 
Mohammed put it into the Koran ; he made the sleepers 
prophesy his own coming and he gave them the dog Kratin also 
endowed with the gift of prophecy. The commonly accepted 
legend was, however, that the Seven Sleepers were natives of 
Ephesus, that the emperor Decius (A. D. 250), having come to 
that city, commanded that the Christians should be sought out and 
given their choice, either to worship the Roman deities or die ; 
that these seven men took refuge in a cave near the city; that the, 
entrance to -the cave was, by command of Decius, blocked up 
with stone; that they fell into a preternatural sleep, and that two 
hundred years later, under Theodosius II (A. D. 408-450), the cave 
was opened and the sleepers awoke. When one of them went to 
the city stealthily to buy provisions for the rest he found that the 
place was much changed, that his coins were no longer cur- 
rent, and that Christianity had been accepted by the rulers and 
the people. The original legend relates, however, that after awak- 
ening they died (Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, S. Baring- 
Gould, p. 93). It is not known from what source Paul derived 
his version of the story. 

BOOK 1. 7 

through so long a period. Perhaps those nations are 
to be saved some time by the preaching of these men, 
since they cannot be deemed to be other than Christians. 


The Scritobini, for thus that nation is called, are 
neighbors to this place. They are not without snow 
even in the summer time, and since they do not differ 
in nature from wild beasts themselves, they feed only 
upon the raw flesh of wild animals from whose shaggy 
skins also they fit garments for themselves. 1 They 
deduce the etymology of their name 2 according to 
their barbarous language from jumping. For by mak- 
ing use of leaps and bounds they pursue wild beasts 
very skillfully with a piece of wood bent in the like- 
ness of a bow. Among them there is an animal not 
very unlike a stag, 3 from whose hide, while it was 
rough with hairs, I saw a coat fitted in the manner of a 
tunic down to the knees, such as the aforesaid Scritobini 
use, as has been related. In these places about the 
summer solstice, a very bright light is seen for some 
days, even in the night time, and the days are much 
longer there than elsewhere, just as, on the other hand, 
about the winter solstice, although the light of day is 
present, yet the sun is not seen there and the days are 

1 What is said about the Scritobini (or Scridefinni) can be traced 
to one and the same source as the account of Thule given in Pro- 
copius' Gothic War, II, 15, or of Scandza in Jordanes' Gothic 
History, 3 ; see Zeuss,' 684. 

1 Perhaps from schreiten, ' ' to stride, ' ' or some kindred word. 

8 A reindeer (Waitz). 


shorter than anywhere else and the nights too are longer, 
and this is because the further we turn from the sun the 
nearer the sun itself appears to the earth and the longer 
the shadows grow. In short, in Italy (as the ancients 
also have written) about the day of the birth of our 
Lord, human statures at twelve o'clock measure in 
shadow nine feet. But when I was stationed in Belgic 
Gaul in a place which is called Villa Totonis (Dieten- 
hofen, Thionville 1 ) and measured the shadow of my 
stature, I found it nineteen and a half feet. Thus also 
on the contrary the nearer we come to the sun toward 
midday the shorter always appear the shadows, so much 
so that at the summer solstice when the sun looks down 
from the midst of heaven in Egypt and Jerusalem and 
the places situated in their neighborhood, no shadows 
may be seen. But in Arabia at this same time the sun 
at its highest point is seen on the northern side and the 
shadows on the other hand appear towards the south. 


Not very far from this shore of which we have 
spoken, toward the western side, on which the ocean 
main lies open without end, is that very deep whirl- 
pool of waters which we call by its familiar name " the 
navel of the sea." This is said to suck in the waves and 
spew them forth again twice every day, as is proved to 
be done by the excessive swiftness with which the waves 
advance and recede along all those shores. A whirl- 
pool or maelstrom of this kind is called by the poet 

1 On the Moselle, where Charlemagne held his court. 


Virgil " Charybdis," which he says in his poem T is in 
the Sicilian strait, speaking of it in this way : 

Scylla the right hand besets, and the left, the relentless 

Charybdis ; 
Thrice in the whirl of the deepest abyss it swallows the vast 


Headlong, and lifts them again in turn one after another 
Forth to the upper air, and lashes the stars with the billows. 

Ships are alleged to be often violently and swiftly 
dragged in by this whirlpool (of which indeed we have 
spoken) with such speed that they seem to imitate the 
fall of arrows through the air, and sometimes they per- 
ish by a very dreadful end in that abyss. But often 
when they are upon the very point of being overwhelmed 
they are hurled back by the sudden masses of waves 
and driven away again with as great speed as they were 
at first drawn in. They say there is another whirlpool 
of this kind between the island of Britain and the prov- 
ince of Galicia, 2 and with this fact the coasts of the Seine 
region and of Aquitaine agree, for they are filled twice 
a day with such sudden inundations that any one who 
may by chance be found only a little inward from the 
shore can hardly get away. You may see the rivers of 
these regions falling back with a very swift current 
toward their source, and the fresh waters of the streams 
turning salt through the spaces of many miles. The 

VII, 420. 

* In the northwestern part of Spain. Many manuscripts read 
"the province of Gaul." Evidently Paul's knowledge of the 
geography of these parts is most obscure. 





island of Evodia (Alderney) is almost thirty miles dis- 
tant from the coast of the Seine region, and in this 
island, as its inhabitants declare, is heard the noise of 
the waters as they sweep into this Charybdis. I have 
heard a certain high nobleman of the Gauls relating that 
a number of ships, shattered at first by a tempest, were 
afterwards devoured by this same Charybdis. And 
when one only out of all the men who had been in these 
ships, still breathing, swam over the waves, while the 
rest were dying, he came, swept by the force of the 
receding waters, up to the edge of that most frightful 
abyss. And when now he beheld yawning before him 
the deep chaos whose end he could not see, and half 
dead from very fear, expected to be hurled into it, sud- 
denly in a way that he could not have hoped he was 
cast upon a certain rock and sat him down. And now 
when all the waters that were to be swallowed had run 
down, the margins of that edge (of the abyss) had been 
left bare, and while he sat there with difficulty, trem- 
bling with fear and filled with foreboding amid so many 
distresses, nor could he hide at all from his sight the death 
that was a little while deferred, behold he suddenly sees, 
as it were, great mountains of water leaping up from the 
deep and the first ships which had been sucked in com- 
ing forth again ! And when one of these came near 
him he grasped it with what effort he could, and without 
delay, he was carried in swift flight toward the shore 
and escaped the fate of death, living afterwards to tell 
the story of his peril. Our own sea also, that is, the 
Adriatic, which spreads in like manner, though less vio- 
lently, through the coasts of Venetia and Istria, is be- 


lieved to have little secret currents of this kind by which 
the receding waters are sucked in and vomited out again 
to dash upon the shores. These things having been 
thus examined, let us go back to the order of our nar- 
rative already begun. 


The Winnili then, having departed from Scadinavia 
with their leaders Ibor and Aio, and coming into the 
region which is called Scoringa, 1 settled there for some 

'Scoringa, according to Miillenhoff's explanation in which 
Bluhme concurs, is " Shoreland " (see Schmidt, 43). Bluhme 
considers it identical with the later Bardengau, on the left bank 
of the lower Elbe where the town of Bardowick, twenty-four miles 
southeast of Hamburg, perpetuates the name of the Langobards 
even down to the present time. Hammerstein (Bardengau, 56) 
explains Scoringa as Schieringen near Bleckede in the same re- 
gion. Schmidt (43) believes that the settlement in Scoringa has a 
historical basis and certainly, if the name indicates the territory in 
question, it is the place where the Langobards are first found in 
authentic history. They are mentioned in connection with the 
campaigns undertaken by Tiberius against various German tribes 
during the reign of Augustus in the fifth and sixth year of the 
Christian era, in the effort to extend the frontiers of the Roman 
empire from the Rhine to the Elbe (Mommsen, Romische 
Geschichte, V, 33). The Langobards then dwelt in that re- 
gion which lies between the Weser and the lower Elbe. 
They were described by the court historian Velleius Paterculus 
(II, 106), who accompanied one of the expeditions as prefect of 
cavalry (Schmidt, 5), as "more fierce than ordinary German 
savagery," and he tells us that their power was broken by the 
legions of Tiberius. It would appear also from the combined 
testimony of Strabo (A. D. 20) and Tacitus (A, D. 117) that the 


years. At that time Ambri and Assi, leaders of the 

Langobards dwelt near the mouth of the Elbe shortly after the be- 
ginning of the Christian era, and were in frequent and close re- 
lations with the Hermunduri and Semnones, two great Suevic 
tribes dwelling higher up the stream. Strabo (see Hodgkin, 
V, 81) evidently means to assert that in his time the Hermunduri 
and Langobards had been driven from the left to the right bank. 
Ptolemy who wrote later (100-161) places them upon the left 
bank. Possibly both authors were right for different periods in 
their history (Hodgkin, V, 82). 

The expedition of Tiberius was the high-water mark of Roman 
invasion on Teutonic soil, and when a Roman fleet, sailing up the 
Elbe, established communication with a Roman army upon the 
bank of that river, it might well be thought that the designs of 
Augustus were upon the point of accomplishment, and that the 
boundary of the empire was to be traced by connecting the Dan- 
ube with the Elbe. The dominions of Marobod, king of the Mar- 
comanni, who was then established in Bohemia, would break the 
continuity of this boundary, so the Romans proceeded to invade 
his territories. An insurrection, however, suddenly broke out in 
Illyricum and the presence of the Roman army was required in 
that region. So a hasty peace was concluded with Marobod, leav- 
ing him the possessions he already held. It required four suc- 
cessive campaigns and an enormous number of troops (Mommsen, 
Rom. Gesch., Vol. V, pp. 35-38) to suppress the revolt. While 
the Roman veterans were engaged in the Illyrian war, great num- 
bers of Germans led by Arminius, or Hermann, of the Cheruscan 
tribe rose in rebellion. In the ninth year of our era, Varus 
marched against them at the head of a force composed largely of 
new recruits. He was surprised and surrounded in the pathless 
recesses of the Teutoburg forest and his army of some twenty 
thousand men was annihilated (id., pp. 38-44). It is not known 
whether the Langobards were among the confederates who thus 
arrested the conquest of their country by the Roman army, 
although they dwelt not far from the scene of this historic battle. 

BOOK I. 13 

Wandals, were coercing all the neighboring provinces by 

They were then considered, however, to belong to the Suevian 
stock and were subject, not far from this time, to the king of the 
Marcomanni, a Suevian race (id., p. 34; Tacitus Germania, 38-40; 
Annals, II, 45), and king Marobod took no part in this war on 
either side as he had made peace with the Romans. 

The defeat of Varus was due largely to his own incompetency 
and it would not appear to have been irretrievable when the im- 
mense resources of the Roman empire are considered. Still no 
active offensive operations against the barbarians were undertaken 
until after the death of Augustus and the succession of Tiberius, 
A. D. 14, when in three campaigns, the great Germanicus thrice 
invaded Germany, took captive the wife and child of Arminius, 
defeated the barbarians in a sanguinary battle, and announced to 
Rome that in the next campaign the subjugation of Germany 
would be complete (Mommsen, id., pp. 44-50). But Tiberius per- 
mitted no further campaign to be undertaken. The losses suf- 
fered by the Romans on the sea as well as on land had been very 
severe, and whether he was influenced by this fact and by the dif- 
ficulty of keeping both Gaul and Germany in subjection if the 
legions were transferred from the Rhine to the Elbe, or whether 
he was actuated by jealousy of Germanicus, and feared the popu- 
larity the latter would acquire by the subjugation of all Germany, 
cannot now be decided, but he removed that distinguished com- 
mander from the scene of his past triumphs and his future hopes, 
sent him to the East on a new mission, left the army on the Rhine 
divided and without a general-in-chief, and adopted the policy of 
keeping that river as the permanent boundary of the empire (id., 
p. 50-54). 

Thus the battle in the Teutoburg forest resulted in the mainte- 
nance of German independence and ultimately perhaps in the over- 
throw of the Roman empire itself by German barbarians. It 
marked the beginning of the turn of the tide in Roman conquest 
and Roman dominion, for although the empire afterwards grew in 
other directions yet behind the dike here erected, the forces grad- 


war. Already elated by many victories they sent mes- 

ually collected which were finally to overwhelm it when it became 
corrupted with decay. 

When the legions of Varus were destroyed, the head of the 
Roman commander was sent to Marobod and his cooperation so- 
licited. He refused however to join the confederated German 
tribes, he sent the head to Rome for funeral honors, and con- 
tinued to maintain between the empire and the barbarians, the 
neutrality he had observed in former wars. This refusal to unite 
in the national aspirations for German independence, cost him his 
throne. " Not only the Cheruscans and their confederates " says 
Tacitus (Ann. II, 45) "who had been the ancient soldiery of 
Arminius, took arms, but the Semnones and Langobards, both 
Suevian nations, revolted to him from the sovereignty of Marobod 
. . . . The armies (Ch. 46) . . . . were stimulated by reasons ot" their 
own, the Cheruscans and the Langobards fought for their ancient 
honor or their newly acquired independence, and the others for in- 
creasing their dominion. ' ' This occurred in the seventeenth year 
of our era. Marobod was finally overthrown, and took refuge in 
exile with the Romans, and it was not long until Arminius, ac- 
cused of aspiring to despotic power, was assassinated by a noble 
of his own race (Mommsen, id. 54-56). After his death the in- 
ternal dissensions among the Cheruscans became so violent that 
the reigning family was swept away, and in the year 47 they asked 
the Romans to send them as their king the one surviving member 
of that family, Italicus, the nephew of Arminius, who was born at 
Rome where he had been educated as a Roman citizen. Accord- 
ingly Italicus, with the approval of the emperor Claudius, as- 
sumed the sovereignty of the Cheruscans. At first he was re- 
ceived with joy, but soon the cry was raised that with his advent 
the old liberties of Germany were departing and Roman power 
was becoming predominant. A struggle ensued, and he was ex- 
pelled from the country. Again, the Langobards appear upon the 
scene, with sufficient power as it seems to control the destiny of 
the tribe which, thirty-eight years before, had been the leader in 

BOOK I. 15 

sengers to the Winnili to tell them that they should 
either pay tribute to the Wandals T or make ready for 
the struggles of war. Then Ibor and Aio, with the 
approval of their mother Gambara, determine that it is 
better to maintain liberty by arms than to stain it by the 
payment of tribute. They send word to the Wandals 
by messengers that they will rather fight than be 
slaves. The Winnili were then all in the flower of their 
youth, but were very few in number since they had 
been only the third part of one island of no great size. 2 

the struggle for independence, for they restored him to the 
sovereignty of which he had been despoiled by his inconstant sub- 
jects (Tacitus Annals, XI, 16, 17). These events and other 
internal disturbances injured the Cheruscans so greatly that they 
soon disappeared from the field of political activity (Mommsen, 
id., 132). 

During the generations that followed there was doubtless many 
a change in the power, the territories and even the names of the 
various tribes which inhabited Germania Magna, but for a long 
time peace was preserved along the frontiers which separated 
them from the Roman world (id., p. 133). It is somewhat re- 
markable that none of those events appear in the Langobard 
tradition as contained in the pages of Paul. 

1 Hammerstein (Bardengau, 71) considers the Wends who were 
the eastern neighbors of the Langobards, to be the Wandals. 
Jacobi (13, n. i) thinks Paul is misled by the account of Jordanes 
of the struggles of the Vandals and the Goths. 

2 Although it belongs to the legendary period of the Langobards, 
there may well be some truth in this statement of the refusal to 
pay tribute. Tacitus (Germania, 40) speaks of the slender num- 
ber of the Langobards and declares that they are renowned be- 
cause they are so few and, being surrounded by many powerful 
nations, protect themselves, not by submission but by the peril of 



At this point, the men of old tell a silly story that 
the Wandals coming to Godan (Wotan) besought him 
for victory over the Winnili and that he answered that 
he would give the victory to those whom he saw first at 
sunrise; that then Gambara went to Frea (Freja) wife 
of Godan and asked for victory for the Winnili, and 
that Frea gave her counsel that the women of the Win- 
nili should take down their hair and arrange it upon the 
face like a beard, and that in the early morning they 
should be present with their husbands and in like man- 
ner station themselves to be seen by Godan from the 
quarter in which he had been wont to look through his 
window toward the east. And so it was done. And 
when Godan saw them at sunrise he said : " W r ho are 
these long-beards?" And then Frea induced him to 
give the victory to those to whom he had given the 
name. 1 And thus Godan gave the victory to the Win- 

1 A still livelier description of this scene is given in the " Origo 
Gentis Langobardorum " (see Appendix II) from which Paul took 
the story. ' ' When it became bright and the sun was rising, 
Frea, Godan' s wife, turned the bed around where her husband 
was lying and put his face toward the east, and awakened him, 
and as he looked he saw the Winnili and their wives, how their 
hair hung about their faces. And he said: " Who are these long- 
beards?" Then spoke Frea to Godan: "My lord, thou hast 
given them the name, now give them also the victory." Momm- 
sen remarks (pp. 65, 66) that Paul has spoiled the instructive 
story why one does better to put his business in the hands of the 
wife than of the husband, or rather that he has misunderstood the 
account. The fable rests upon this, that Godan, according to 
the position of his bed, looked toward the west upon awakening, 

BOOK I. 17 

nili. These things are worthy of laughter and are to be 
held of no account. 1 For victory is due, not to the 
power of men, but it is rather furnished from heaven. 


It is certain, however, that the Langobards were after- 
wards so called on account of the length of their beards 

and that the Wandals camped on the west side and the Winnili 
upon the east. The true-hearted god could then appropriately 
promise victory to his Wandal worshippers in the enigmatical 
sentence, that he would take the part of those upon whom his 
eyes should first fall on the morning of the day of the battle; but 
as his cunning wife turned his bed around, he and his favorites 
were entrapped thereby. This can be easily inferred from the 
Origo. It may be asked what the women's hair arranged like a 
beard has to do with Godan's promise. Evidently, the affair was 
so planned that the astonishment of the god should be noted when 
he looked upon these extraordinary long-beards in place of the 
Wandals he had supposed would be there; perhaps indeed his 
cunning wife thus drew from her husband an expression which 
put it beyond doubt that he actually let his glance fall in the 
morning upon the Winnili. 

That the account in the Origo was a Latin translation of a Ger- 
man alliterative epic poem see Appendix II. 

1 Paul' s narrative of the origin of the name of Langobards gives 
the best example of the manner in which he has treated the 
legends which have come down to him. The transposition of the 
direct speech into the indirect, the introduction of the phrase "to 
preserve their liberty by arms, ' ' and similar classical phrases, the 
new style and historical character given to the story, speak for 
themselves ; but still the Langobard, in treating of the origin of 
the proud name could not disown his national character and even 
where ' ' the ridiculous story told by the ancients ' ' sets historical 
treatment at defiance, he still does not suppress it (Mommsen, 65). 


untouched by the knife, whereas at first they had been 
called Winnili ; for according to their language "lang" 
means " long " and " bart " " beard." x Wotan indeed, 
whom by adding a letter they called Godan 2 is he who 

1 This derivation comes from Isidore of Seville. He says, ' ' The 
Langobards were commonly so-called from their flowing and never 
fjJgJUHLJbPWds " (Etym., IX, 2, 94, Zeuss, 109). Schmidt, al- 
though he believes (p. 43) that the change of name was a histori- 
cal fact, rejects (44, note i) this definition, since he considers that 
the earlier name of the people was simply ' ' Bards, ' ' to which 
"lang" was afterwards prefixed. Another proposed derivation 
is from the Old High German word barta, an axe, the root which 
appears in "halbert" and "partizan" (Hodgkin, V, 84). An- 
other authority, Dr. Leonhard Schmitz (see Langobardiin Smith's 
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography) argues for its deriva- 
tion from the root bord, which we have preserved in the word 
" sea-board," and he contends that the Langobards received their 
name from the long, flat meadows of the Elbe where they had 
their dwelling. As we adopt one or the other of these sugges- 
tions, the Langobards will have been the long-bearded men, the 
long-halbert-bearing men, or the long-shore-men. Hodgkin (V, 
85) as well as Bruckner (p. 33) prefers the interpretation given in 
the text, ' ' Long-beards. ' ' Bruckner remarks that the name of 
the people stands in close relation to the worship of Wotan who 
bore the name of the "long-bearded" or " gray -bearded, " and 
that the Langobard name Ansegranus , " He with the Beard of the 
Gods," showed that the Langobards had this idea of their chief 
deity. He further shows that the long halbert or spear was not a 
characteristic weapon of the Langobards. He also (p. 30) con- 
siders Koegel's opinion (p. 109) that the Langobards adopted the 
worship of Wotan from the surrounding peoples after their migra- 
tion to the Danube is not admissible, since the neighboring Anglo- 
Saxons worshiped Wotan long before their migration to Britain as 
their highest God. 

1 Or Guodan according to other MSS. 


among the Romans is called Mercury, and he is worshiped 
by all the peoples of Germany as a god, though he is 
deemed to have existed, not about these times, but long 
before, and not in Germany, but in Greece. 


The Winnili therefore, who are also Langobards, hav- 
ing joined battle with the Wandals, struggle fiercely, 
since it is for the glory of freedom, and win the victory. 
And afterwards, having suffered in this same province 
of Scoringa, great privation from hunger, their minds 
were filled with dismay. 


Departing from this place, while they were arrang- 
ing to pass over into Mauringa, " the Assipitti 2 block 

1 Mauringa is mentioned by the Cosmographer of Ravenna (I, 
1 1 ) as the land east of the Elbe. Maurungani appears to be 
another name of the great country of the Elbe which lies ' ' in front 
of the Danes, extends to Dacia and includes Baias, Baiohaim." 
Or perhaps Mauringa was merely the name of the maurland or 
moorland east of the Elbe (Zeuss, 472). In the Traveler's Song, 
which had its origin in the German home of the Angles about the 
end of the 6th century, a Suevian race in Holstein bears the name 
of Myrginge, and this song also mentions the Headhobards (per- 
haps identical with the Langobards) who fight with the Danes in 
Zealand (Schmidt, 34, 47). See also Waitz. 

* Hodgkin (V, 92) conjectures that possibly the Assipitti are the 
Usipetes mentioned in Tacitus' Annals (I, 51). See Caesar B. G. 
IV, i, 4. Bluhme (see Hodgkin, V, 141) places them in the 
neighborhood of Asse, a wooded height near Wolfenbiittel. Such 
identifications of locality are highly fanciful, 


their way, denying to them by every means a passage 
through their territories. The Langobards moreover, 
when they beheld the great forces of their enemies, did 
not dare engage them on account of the smallness of 
their army, and while they were deciding what they 
ought to do, necessity at length hit upon a plan. They 
pretend that they have in their camps Cynocephali, 
that is, men with dogs' heads. They spread the rumor 
among the enemy that these men wage war obstinately, 
drink human blood and quaff their own gore if they 
cannot reach the foe. And to give faith to this as- 
sertion, the Langobards spread their tents wide and 
kindle a great many fires in their camps. The enemy 
being made credulous when these things are heard and 
seen, dare not now attempt the war they threatened. 


They had, however, among them a very powerful 
man, to whose strength they trusted that they could 
obtain without doubt what they wanted. They offered 
him alone to fight for all. They charged the Langobards 
to send any one of their own they might wish, to go forth 
with him to single combat upon this condition, to wit ; 
that if their warrior should win the victory, the Lango- 
bards would depart the way they had come, but if he 
should be overthrown by the other, then they would not 
forbid the Langobards a passage through their own 
territories. And when the Langobards were in doubt 
what one of their own they should send against this 
most warlike man, a certain person of servile rank 

BOOK I. 21 

offered himself of his own will, and promised that he 
would engage the challenging enemy upon this condi- 
tion : that if he took the victory from the enemy, they 
would take away the stain of slavery from him and from 
his offspring. Why say more ? They joyfully promised 
to do what he had asked. Having engaged the enemy, 
he fought and conquered, and won for the Langobards 
the means of passage, and for himself and his descend- 
ants, as he had desired, the rights of liberty. 


Therefore the Langobards, coming at last into 
Mauringa, in order that they might increase the number 
of their warriors, confer liberty upon many whom 
they deliver from the yoke of bondage, and that the 
freedom of these may be regarded as established, 
they confirm it in their accustomed way by an arrow, 
uttering certain words of their country in confirma- 
tion of the fact. 1 Then the Langobards went forth 

1 Complete emancipation appears to have been granted only 
among the Franks and the Langobards (Schmidt, 47 note 3). 
This system of incorporating into the body of their warriors and 
freemen, the peoples whom they subjugated in their wanderings, 
made of the Langobards a composite race, and it may well be 
that their language as well as their institutions were greatly af- 
fected by this admixture of foreign stock (Hartmann, II, pp. 8, 9), 
and that their High-German characteristics are due to this fact. 
This system of emancipation also had an important effect in further- 
ing the union of the two races, Langobard and Roman, after the 
Italian conquest (Hartmann, II, 2, 15). 


from Mauringa and came to Golanda, 1 where, hav- 
ing remained some time, they are afterwards said to 
have possessed for some years Anthaib 2 and Ban- 
thaib, 3 and in like manner Vurgundaib, 4 which we 

1 Schmidt thinks this was further east, perhaps on the right 
bank of the Oder (p. 49). He considers (see Hodgkin, V, 143) 
that the name is the equivalent of Gotland and means simply 
"good land." Golanda is generally considered, however, to be 
Gothland, and as the Langobards were found in Pannonia in the 
year 166 at the time of the war with Marcus Aurelius, and as the 
Goths emigrated to the Euxine probably about the middle of the 
second century, Hodgkin (V, 101) considers it probable that the 
Langobards at this time were hovering about the skirts of the 
Carpathians rather than that they had returned to Bardengau. 
The fact that when they were next heard from, they were occupy- 
ing Rugiland east of Noricum, on the north shore of the Danube, 
confirms this view. Zeuss takes an alternative reading for Golanda 
not well supported by manuscript authority, "Rugulanda," and 
suggests that it may be the coast opposite the isle of Rugen 
(Hodgkin, 141). 

* Anthaib, according to the improbable conjecture of Zeuss, is 
the pagus or district of the Antae who, on the authority of Ptolemy 
and Jordanes were placed somewhere in the Ukraine in the coun- 
tries of the Dniester and Dnieper (Hodgkin, p. 141). Schmidt 
(p. 49) connects Anthaib through the Aenenas of the "Traveler's 
Song ' ' with Bavaria. These are mere guesses. 

s Schmidt connects Banthaib with the Boii and Bohemia (49, 50). 

* Zeuss connects Vurgundaib or Burgundaib with the Urugundi 
of Zosimus which he seems inclined to place in Red Russia 
between the Vistula and Bug. These names, he thinks, lead us in 
the direction of the Black Sea far into the eastern steppes and he 
connects this eastward march of the Langobards with their alleged 
combats with the Bulgarians (Hodgkin, V, p. 141). Bluhme in 
his monograph (Gens Langobardorum Bonn, 1868) thinks that 
Burgundaib was the territory evacuated by the Burgundians when 

BOOK I. 23 

can consider are names of districts or of some kinds 
of places. 1 

they moved westward to the Middle Rhine (Hodgkin, V, p. 142), 
and instead of the eastern migration he makes the Langobards 
wander westward toward the Rhine, following a passage of 
Ptolemy which places them near the Sigambri. He believes that 
this is confirmed by the Chronicon Gothanum which says that 
they stayed long at Patespruna or Paderborn and contends for a 
general migration of the tribe to Westphalia, shows the resem- 
blance in family names and legal customs between Westphalia 
and Bardengau. Schmidt opposes Bluhme's Westphalian theory 
which indeed appears to have slender support and he more plaus- 
ibly connects Burgundaib (p. 49) with the remnant of the Burgun- 
dians that remained in the lands east of the Elbe. Luttmersen 
(Die Spuren der Langobarden, Hanover, 1889) thinks that Bur- 
gundaib means "the valley of forts," and was perhaps in the re- 
gion of the Rauhes Alp in Wiirtemberg; he notes the fact that the 
Swiss in Thurgau and St. Gall called an old wall built by an un- 
known hand ' ' Langobardenmauer ' ' and he claims that the Lango- 
bards were members of the Alamannic confederacy which occupied 
Suabia. No historical evidence of this appears (Hodgkin, V, 145). 

1 Names which have a termination ' ' aib ' ' are derived from the 
Old-High-German eiba (canton), the division of a state or 
population (Schmidt, 49). 

The Latin word pagus a district, canton, was here used by 
Paul to designate these subdivisions instead of the word aldonus 
or aldones of the Origo from which Paul took this statement. 
This word aldonus comes from aldius or aldio the " half -free, " 
referring to the condition of serfdom or semi-slavery in which 
the people dwelt in these lands. Hodgkin thinks (V, 94) the 
Origo means that the Langobards were in a condition of de- 
pendence on some other nation, when they occupied these districts. 
It seems more probable that these districts were so called because 
their inhabitants were subjected by the Langobards to a condition 
of semi-servitude, tilling the land for the benefit of their masters as 



Meanwhile the leaders Ibor and Aio, who had con- 
ducted the Langobards from Scadinavia and had ruled 
them up to this time, being dead, the Langobards, now 

was afterwards done with the Roman population of Italy (Schmidt, 

The migrations described by modern German scholars are 
mostly hypothetical. The fact is, it is idle to guess where were 
the different places mentioned by Paul or when the Langobards 
migrated from one to the other. That people however may 
well have taken part (Hodgkin, V, 88) in the movement of the 
German tribes southward which brought on the Marcommanic 
war under Marcus Aurelius, for in a history written by Peter the 
Patrician, Justinian's ambassador to Theodahad (Fragment, VI, 
p. 124 of the Bonn, ed.) we are informed that just before that war 
6,000 Langobards and Obii having crossed the Danube to invade 
Pannonia were put to rout by the Roman cavalry under Vindex 
and the infantry under Candidus, whereupon the barbarians de- 
sisted from their invasion and sent as ambassadors to Aelius Bas- 
sus, who was then administering Pannonia, Vallomar, king of the 
Marcommani, and ten others, one for each tribe. Peace was 
made, and the barbarians returned home. These events occurred 
about A. D. 165. (Hodgkin, V, 88.) It is clear from this that 
the Langobards had left the Elbe for the Danube as allies or sub- 
jects of their old masters, the Marcommani. Where the home 
was to which they returned can hardly be determined. Hodgkin 
believes that they withdrew to some place not far distant from 
Pannonia, while Zeuss (p. 471), Wiese (p. 28) and Schmidt (35, 
36) believe that they did not depart permanently from their orig- 
inal abodes on the Elbe until the second half of the fourth cen- 
tury so that according to this view they must have returned to 
these original abodes. It is evident that a considerable number 
of the Langobards must have lived a long time on the lower Elbe 
the names and institutions which have survived in Bardengau 

BOOK I. 25 

unwilling to remain longer under mere chiefs (dukes) 
ordained a king for themselves like other nations. " 
Therefore Agelmund, * the son of Aio first reigned over 
them 3 tracing out of his pedigree the stock of the Gun- 
bear evidence of this. It is, however, highly probable that when 
the bulk of the nation migrated, a considerable part remained 
behind and afterwards became absorbed by the Saxon tribes in 
the neighborhood, while the emigrants alone retained the name of 
Langobards (Hartmann, II, part i, 5). 

After the Marcommanic war, information from Greek or Roman 
writers as to the fortunes of the Langobards is entirely lacking 
and for a space of three hundred years their name disappears 
from history. 

1 More likely the reason was that the unity of a single command 
was found necessary. Schmidt believes (p. 76) that the people 
like other German nations, were divided according to cantons, 
that the government in the oldest times was managed by a general 
assembly that selected the chiefs of the cantons who were prob- 
ably, as a rule, taken from the nobility and chosen for life. In 
peace they acted as judges in civil cases, and in war as leaders of 
the troops of the cantons. As commander-in-chief of the whole 
army, a leader or duke was chosen by the popular assembly, but 
only for the time of the war. Often two colleagues are found 
together, as Ibor and Aio. As a result of their long-continued 
wars during their wanderings, the kingly power was developed 
and the king became the representative of the nation in foreign 

affairs, in the making of treaties, etc. (p. 77). But the influence 
of the people upon the government did not fully disappear. 

1 This name is found in a Danish song, and is written Hagel- 
mund (Wiese, 3). 

8 Mommsen observes (68) that even those who recognize a gen- 
uine germ of history in -this legend must regard as fiction this 
connection of the leaders Ibor and Aio with the subsequent line of 
kings; that we have no indication regarding the duration of this 


gingi which among them was esteemed particularly 
noble. He held the sovereignty of the Langobards, as 
is reported by our ancestors, for thirty years. 


At this time a certain prostitute had brought forth 
seven little boys at a birth, and the mother, more cruel 
than all wild beasts, threw them into a fish-pond to be 
drowned. If this seems impossible to any, let him read 
over the histories of the ancients ' and he will find that 
one woman brought forth not only seven infants but 
even nine at one time. And it is sure that this occurred 
especially among the Egyptians. It happened therefore 
that when King Agelmund had stopped his horse and 
looked at the wretched infants, and had turned them 
hither and thither with the spear he carried in his hand, 
one of them put his hand on the royal spear and clutched 
it. The king moved by pity and marveling greatly at 
the act, pronounced that he would be a great man. And 
straightway he ordered him to be lifted from the fish- 
pond and commanded him to be brought to a nurse to be 
nourished with every care, and because he took him from 

early leadership, and that it may as well have lasted centuries as 
decades. The events already described probably required at least 
a number of generations for their accomplishment. The words in 
the text, ' ' Ibor and Aio who had . . . ruled them up to this 
time," appears to have been inserted by Paul upon conjecture to 
make a continuous line of rulers and is plainly an error (Waitz). 

l Scc Pliny's Natural History, Book VII, ch. 3, on monstrous 

BOOK I. 37 

a fish-pond which in their language is called " lama " l he 
gave him the name Lamissio. 2 When he had grown up 
he became such a vigorous youth that he was also very 
fond of fighting, and after the death of Agelmund he 
directed the government of the kingdom. 3 They say 
that when the Langobards, pursuing their way with their 
king, came to a certain river and were forbidden by the 
Amazons 4 to cross to the other side, this man fought 
with the strongest of them, swimming in the river, and 
killed her and won for himself the glory of great praise 
and a passage also for the Langobards. For it had 

1 Lama is not a German but a Latin word, found in Festus and 
meaning a collection of water (Waitz). It lived on in the romance 
languages. DuCange introduces it from the statutes of Modena, 
and Dante used it (Inferno, Canto XX, line 79). It meant, how- 
ever, in Italian at this later period "a low plain." If Paul or his 
earlier authorities took it for Langobard this was because it was 
unknown to the Latin learning of that time, though it was a cur- 
rent peasant word in Northern Italy with which a discoverer of an- 
cient Langobard tales could appropriately connect the indigenous 
king's name (Mommsen, 68). 

* This name is called Laiamicho or Lamicho in the Origo and 
the form used here by Paul seems to have been taken from the 
Edict of Rothari (Waitz). 

8 This story of the origin of Lamissio is inconsistent with the 
statement in the Prologue of the Edict of Rothari and with the 
Madrid and La Cava manuscripts of the ' ' Origo Gentis Langobar- 
dorum ' ' which say that he was ' ' of the race of Gugingus ' ' (see 
Waitz, also Appendix II ; Mommsen, p. 68 ; Waitz, Neues Archiv, 
V, 423). 

4 This appears to be a transformation into classical form of some 
ancient German legend of swan-maidens or water-sprites (Schmidt, 
17, note). 


been previously agreed between the two armies that if 
that Amazon should overcome Lamissio, the Langobards 
would withdraw from the river, but if she herself were 
conquered by Lamissio, as actually occurred, then the 
means of crossing the stream should be afforded to the 
Langobards. x It is clear, to be sure, that this kind of 
an assertion is little supported by truth, for it is known 
to all who are acquainted with ancient histories that the 
race of Amazons was destroyed long before these things 
could have occurred, unless perchance (because the 
places where these things are said to have been done 
were not well enough known to the writers of history 
and are scarcely mentioned by any of them), it might 
have been that a class of women of this kind dwelt there 
at that time, for I have heard it related by some that the 
race of these women exists up to the present day in the 
innermost parts of Germany. 2 


Therefore after passing the river of which we have 
spoken, the Langobards, when they came to the lands 
beyond, sojourned there for some time. Meanwhile, 
since they suspected nothing hostile and were the less 
uneasy on account of their long repose, confidence, 

1 Schmidt (p. 50) believes that the story of Lamissio is a fabu- 
lous expansion of the original myth of Skeaf. The germ of the 
myth is that a hero of unknown origin came from the water to the 
help of the land in time of need. 

* Perhaps the Cvenas whom fable placed by the Baltic sea 
or gulf of Bothnia in " The Land of Women " (Zeuss, 686, 687). 

BOOK I. 29 

which is always the mother of calamities, prepared for 
them a disaster of no mean sort. At night, in short, 
when all were resting, relaxed by negligence, suddenly 
the Bulgarians, rushing upon them, slew many, wounded 
many more and so raged J through their camp that they 
killed Agelmund, the king himself, and carried away in 
captivity his only daughter. 


Nevertheless the Langobards, having recovered their 
strength after these disasters, made Lamissio, of whom 
we have spoken above, their king. And he, as he 
was in the glow of youth and quite ready for the 
struggles of war, desiring to avenge the slaughter of 
Agelmund, his foster-father, turned his arms against the 
Bulgarians. And presently, when the first battle began, 
the Langobards, turning their backs to the enemy, fled 
to their camp. Then king Lamissio seeing these things, 
began in a loud voice to cry out to the whole army that 
they should remember the infamies they had suffered 
and recall to view their disgrace ; how their enemies had 
murdered their king and had carried off in lamenta- 
tion as a captive, his daughter whom they had desired 
for their queen. 2 Finally he urged them to defend 
themselves and theirs by arms, saying that it was better 
to lay down life in war than to submit as vile slaves to 
the taunts of their enemies. Crying aloud, he said 

1 Read for dibachati, debacchati. 

'Abel (p. 251) infers from this the right of succession to the 
throne in the female line. 


these things and the like and now by threats, now by 
promises, strengthened their minds to endure the strug- 
gles of war ; moreover if he saw any one of servile con- 
dition fighting he endowed him with liberty, as well as 
rewards. At last inflamed by the urging and example of 
their chief who had been the first to spring to arms, 
they rush upon the foe, fight fiercely and overthrow 
their adversaries with great slaughter, and finally, taking 
victory from the victors, they avenge as well the death 
of their king as the insults to themselves. Then having 
taken possession of great booty from the spoils of their 
enemies, from that time on they become bolder in un- 
dertaking the toils of war. 1 


After these things Lamissio, the second who had 
reigned, died, and the third, Lethu, ascended the 
throne of the kingdom, and when he had reigned nearly 
forty years, he left Hildeoc his son, who was the fourth 
in number, as his successor in the kingly power. And 
when he also died, Gudeoc, as the fifth, received the 
royal authority. 2 

1 Schmidt (50) regards this struggle with the Bulgarians as hav- 
ing no authentic basis in history since the name of the Bulgarians 
does not occur elsewhere before the end of the fifth century. 

1 Mommsen calls attention (p. 75) to the close relation of the 
Gothic and Langobard legends. The Goths wandered from the 
island of Scandza, where many nations dwell (Jordanes, Ch. 3), 
among them the Vinoviloth, who may be the \Vinnili. From 
there the Goths sailed upon three vessels under their king Bench 

BOOK I. 31 


In these times the fuel of great enmities was con- 
sumed between Odoacar who was ruling in Italy now 
for some years, 1 and Feletheus, who is also called Feva, 2 

to the mainland (Ch. 4, 17). The first people they encountered 
in battle were the Vandals (Ch. 4). Further on the Amazons 
were introduced, and Mommsen concludes (p. 76): "It may be 
that these Langobard and Gothic traditions are both fragments of 
a great legend of the origin of the whole German people or that 
the Gothic story-teller has stirred the Langobard to the making of 
similar fables. The stories of the Amazons are more favorable to 
the latter idea." 

Hodgkin (V, 98) also notices the similarity of Langobard 
history to that of the Goths, as told by Jordanes. But Jordanes 
exhibits a pedigree showing fourteen generations before Theodoric, 
and thus reaching back very nearly to the Christian era, while 
Paul gives only five links of the chain before the time of Odoacar, 
the contemporary of Theodoric, and thus reaches back, at furth- 
est, only to the era of Constantine. This seems to show that the 
Langobards had preserved fewer records of the deeds of their 
fathers. Hodgkin (V, 99) adds that it is hopeless to get any 
possible scheme of Lombard chronology out of these early chap- 
ters of Paul; that his narrative would place the migration from 
Scandinavia about A. D. 320, whereas the Langobards were 
dwelling south of the Baltic at the birth of Christ; that he repre- 
sents Agelmund, whose place in the narrative makes it impossible 
to fix his date later than 350, as slain in battle by the Bulgarians, 
who first appeared in Europe about 479. 

1 Here the tradition of the Langobards, as stated by Paul, begins 
again to correspond, at least in part, with known or probable his- 
torical facts. 

1 The manuscripts of the ' ' Origo Gentis Langobardorum ' ' spell 
this Theuvane (M. G., Script. Rer. Langob., p. 3) which is re- 
quired by the meter if the word comes from an epic song (Bruck- 
ner, Zeitschrift fur Deutches Alterthum, Vol. 43, p. 56). 


king of the Rugii. This Feletheus dwelt in those days 
on the further shore of the Danube, which the Danube 
itself separates from the territories of Noricum. In 
these territories of the Noricans at that time was the 
monastery of the blessed Severinus, 1 who, endowed with 
the sanctity of every abstinence, was already renowned 
for his many virtues, and though he dwelt in these 
places up to the end of his life, now however, Neapolis 
(Naples) keeps his remains. 2 He often admonished 
this Feletheus of whom we have spoken and his wife, 
whose name was Gisa, in saintly language that they 
should desist from iniquity, and when they spurned his 
pious words, he predicted a long while beforehand that 
that would occur which afterwards befel them. Odo- 
acar then, having collected together the nations which 
were subject to his sovereignty, that is the Turcilingi 
and the Heroli and the portion of the Rugii he already 
possessed 3 and also the peoples of Italy, came into 
Rugiland and fought with the Rugii, and sweeping them 
away in final defeat he destroyed also Feletheus their 
king, and after the whole province was devastated, he re- 

1 At Eiferingen, at the foot of Mount Kalenberg, not far from 
Vienna (VVaitz). 

1 St. Severinus was the apostle of Noricum. He was born either 
in Southern Italy or in Africa. After the death of Attila he trav- 
eled through the territory along the Danube preaching Christianity 
and converting many. He died A. D. 482, and his body was 
taken to Italy and finally buried at Naples (Waitz). 

8 The statement that Rugians fought upon both sides was the 
result of Paul's effort to reconcile the accounts of two contradictory 
authorities (Mommsen, 103). 

BOOK I. 33 

turned to Italy and carried off with him an abundant 
multitude of captives. Then the Langobards, having 
moved out of their own territories, 1 came into Rugiland, 7 
which is called in the Latin tongue the country of the 
Rugii, and because it was fertile in soil they remained 
in it a number of years. 


Meanwhile, Gudeoc died, and Claffo, his son, suc- 
ceeded him. Claffo also having died, Tato, his son, rose 
as the seventh to the kingly power. The Langobards 
also departed from Rugiland, and dwelt in open fields, 
which are called " feld " in the barbarian tongue. 3 
While they sojourned there for the space of three years, 
a war sprang up between Tato and Rodolf, king of the 
Heroli. 4 Treaties formerly bound them together, and 

1 Wiese (p. 33) believes that they were then dwelling in upper 
Silesia not far from the head waters of the Vistula. 

Bluhme considers this to be Moravia (Hodgkin, V, 142). It 
is more probably the region on the left bank of the Danube be- 
tween Linz and Vienna (Schmidt, 51). 

3 The country between the Theiss and the Danube in Hungary 
as Schmidt (52) believes, quoting a passage from the Annals of 
Eginhard for the year 796: " Pippin having driven the Huns be- 
yond the Theiss, destroyed completely the royal residence which 
these people called the Ring, and the Langobards the Feld." 
Since Procopius, (B. G. II, 14) says that the Langobards were 
then tributary to the Heroli, Wiese believes (p. 35, 36) that they 
were compelled by the Heroli to give up their fertile Rugiland. 
The Langobards became Christianized, at least in part, about 
this time (Abel, 241; Schmidt, 51, 52). 

*The Heroli were, says Zeuss (p. 476), the most migratory 


the cause of the discord between them was this: the 
brother of king Rodolf had come to Tato for the pur- 
pose of concluding peace, and when, upon the comple- 
tion of his mission, he sought again his native country, 
it happened that his way passed in front of the house 
of the king's daughter, who was called Rumetruda. 
Looking upon the company of men and the noble escort, 
she asked who this might be who had such a mag- 
nificent train. And it was said to her that the brother 
of king Rodolf was returning to his native country, hav- 
ing accomplished his mission. The girl sent to invite 
him to deign to take a cup of wine. He with simple 
heart came as he had been invited, and because he was 
small in stature, the girl looked down upon him in con- 
temptuous pride and uttered against him mocking words. 
But he, overcome equally with shame and rage, answered 
back such words as brought still greater confusion upon 
the girl. Then she, inflamed by a woman's fury and 
unable to restrain the rage of her heart, sought to accom- 
plish a wicked deed she had conceived in her mind. 

among all the German tribes and have wandered over nearly the 
whole of Europe. They appeared on the Dneister and Rhine ; they 
plundered in Greece and in Spain, and were found in Italy and 
in Scandinavia. Hodgkin believes that the tribe was split up into 
two divisions, one of which moved from the Baltic to the Black 
Sea, and the other eventually made its appearance on the Rhine. 
It was the eastern branch, which at the close of the 5th century 
was in Hungary on the eastern shore of the Danube, with which 
the Langobards had their struggle (Hodgkin, V, 104). The cus- 
toms of the tribe were barbarous. They engaged in human sac- 
rifices, put the sick and the aged to death, and it was the duty of 
a warrior's widow to die upon her husband's tomb (Hodgkin, 105). 

BOOK I. 35 

She feigned patience, put on a lively countenance, and 
stroking him down with merry words, she invited him to 
take a seat, and arranged that he should sit in such 
a place that he would have the window in the wall at 
his shoulders. She had covered this window with costly 
drapery as if in honor of her guest, but really, lest any 
suspicion should strike him, and the atrocious monster 
directed her own servants that when she should say, as 
if speaking to the cup-bearer, " Prepare the drink," 
they should stab him from behind with their lances. 
And it was done ; presently the cruel woman gave the 
sign, her wicked orders were accomplished, and he, 
pierced with wounds and falling to the earth, expired. 
When these things were announced to king Rodolf he 
bewailed his brother's cruel murder, and impatient in 
his rage, burned to avenge that brother's death. 
Breaking the treaty he had negotiated with Tato, he 
declared war against him. 1 Why say more? The lines 
of battle on both sides come together in the open fields. 

1 Procopius (B. G., II, 14 et seq.) gives a different account of the 
origin of this war. He states (Hodgkin, V, 106) that the warriors 
of the tribe having lived in peace for three years, chafed at this 
inaction and taunted Rodolf, calling him womanish and soft- 
hearted, until he determined to make war upon the Langobards. 
but gave no pretext for his attack. Three times the Langobards 
sent ambassadors to placate him, who offered to increase the 
tribute paid by their nation, but Rodolf drove them from his pres- 
ence. Procopius' reason for the war is more favorable to the 
Langobards than that given by Paul. But it is quite possible that 
a rude people such as they were, might consider it more disgrace- 
ful to admit that they had paid tribute and humbly besought justice 
than that they had themselves given just cause for war. 


Rodolf sends his men into the fight, but. staying himself 
in camp, he plays at draughts, not at all wavering in his 
hope of victory. The Heroli were indeed at that time 
well trained in martial exercises, and already very 
famous from their many victories. And either to fight 
more freely or to show their contempt for a wound in- 
flicted by the enemy, they fought naked, covering only 
the shameful things of the body. 1 Therefore, while the 
king himself in undoubting reliance on the power of 
these men, was safely playing at draughts, he ordered 
one of his followers to climb into a tree which happened 
to be by, that he might tell him more quickly of the 
victory of his troops, and he threatened to cut off the 
man's head if he announced that the ranks of the Heroli 
were fleeing. The man, when he saw that the line of the 
Heroli was bent, and that they were hard pressed by the 
Langobards, being often asked by the king what the 
Heroli were doing, answered that they were fighting 
excellently. And not daring to speak, he did not reveal 
the calamity he saw until all the troops had turned their 
backs upon the foe. At last, though late, breaking into 
voice he cried : " Woe to thee wretched Herolia who 
art punished by the anger of the Lord of Heaven." 
Moved by these words the king said : " Are my Heroli 
fleeing?" And he replied: "Not I, but thou, king-, 
thyself hast said this." Then, as is wont to happen in 
such circumstances, while the king and all, greatly 
alarmed, hesitated what to do, the Langobards came 

1 Jordanis (ch. 49) says they fought light-armed. Procopius 
(Persian war, II, 25) speaks of their lack of defensive armor. 

BOOK I. 37 

upon them and they were violently cut to pieces. The 
king himself, acting bravely to no purpose, was also 
slain. While the army of the Heroli indeed was scat- 
tering hither and thither, so great was the anger of 
heaven upon them, that when they saw the green- 
growing flax of the fields, they thought it was water fit 
for swimming, and while they stretched out their arms 
as if to swim, they were cruelly smitten by the swords 
of the enemy. 1 Then the Langobards, when the victory 
was won, divide among themselves the huge booty they 
had found in the camp. Tato indeed carried off the 
banner of Rodolf which they call Bandum, and his 
helmet which he had been accustomed to wear in war. 2 
And now from that time all the courage of the Heroli 
so decayed that thereafter they had no king over them 

1 Procopius (B. G., II, 14) gives another account of the battle. 
He says the sky above the Langobards was covered with black 
clouds, while above the Heroli it was clear, an omen which por- 
tended ruin to the Heroli, since the war god was in the storm 
cloud (Wiese, 39). They disregarded it, however, and pressed 
on hoping to win by their superior numbers, but when they fought 
hand to hand, many of the Heroli were slain, including Rodolf 
himself, whereupon his forces fled in headlong haste and most of 
them were killed by the pursuing Langobards. The account of 
Procopius, a contemporary (490-565), is in the main more reliable 
than that of Paul, whose story is clearly of a legendary character. 
The place of the battle is uncertain. The date, too, is doubtful. 
Procopius places it at 494, but after a careful argument, Schmidt 
(53, 54) places it about 508. 

* Bruckner sees in the superfluous phrase ' ' which he had been 
accustomed to wear in war, ' ' the marks of the translation of a 
German composite word used probably in some early Langobard 
song (Zeitschrift fur Deutsches Alterthum, vol. 43, part I, p. 55). 


in any way. 1 From this time on the Langobards, hav- 
ing become richer, and their army having been aug- 
mented from the various nations they had conquered, 
began to aspire to further wars, and to push forward 
upon every side the glory of their courage. 


But after these things Tato indeed did not long re- 
joice in the triumph of war, for Waccho, the son of his 
brother Zuchilo, 8 attacked him and deprived him of his 

1 It is not true that the Heroli never afterwards had a king 
(see next chapter). As to their subsequent history, Procopius says 
(B. G., II, 14) they first went to Rugiland, and driven thence by 
hunger, they entered Pannonia and became tributaries of the 
Gepidae, then they crossed the Danube, probably into upper 
Moesia and obtained permission of the Greek emperor to dwell 
there as his allies. This took place in the year 512 (Hodgkin, 
V, 1 1 2). They soon quarreled with the Romans and although 
under Justinian they came to profess Christianity they were 
guilty of many outrages. They killed their king Ochon, but 
finding the anarchy which followed unendurable, they sent to 
Thule (Scandinavia) for a royal prince to rule them (Hodgkin, 
113), and Todasius set forth for that purpose with two hundred 
young men to the country where the Heroli were living. That 
fickle people had now obtained a king, Suartuas, from the em- 
peror Justinian, but they changed their minds again and deserted 
to Todasius, whereupon Suartuas escaped to Constantinople, and 
when Justinian determined to support him by force of arms, the 
Heroli joined the confederacy of the Gepidae (p. 1 16). 

1 This is a misunderstanding by Paul of the words of the Origo 
from which his account is taken, which says : " And Waccho the 
son of Unichis killed king Tato, his uncle, together with Zuchilo. " 
(M. G. H. Script. Rer. Langob., p. 3.) See Appendix II. 

BOOK I. 39 

life. Tato's son Hildechis also fought ' against Waccho, 
but when Waccho prevailed and he was overcome, he 
fled to the Gepidae and remained there an exile up to 
the end of his life. For this reason the Gepidae from 
that time incurred enmities with the Langobards. At 
the same time Waccho fell upon the Suavi and subjected 
them to his authority. 2 If any one may think that this 
is a lie and not the truth of the matter, let him read 
over the prologue of the edict which King Rothari com- 
posed 3 of the laws of the Langobards and he will find 

1 Procopius (III, 35) makes Hildechis the son of Risulf, a cousin 
of Waccho (Hodgkin, V, 117, note 2). He states that Risulf would 
have been entitled to the throne upon Waccho' s death, but in 
order to get the crown for his own son, Waccho drove Risulf by 
means of a false accusation from the country; that Risulf fled 
with his two sons, one of whom was called Hildechis, to the 
Warni, by whom, at the instigation of Waccho, he was murdered; 
that Hildechis' brother died there of sickness and Hildechis 
escaped and was first received by a Slav people and afterwards 
by the Gepidae (Schmidt, 59). 

* It is hard to see what people are designated by this name. The 
Suavi who dwelt in the southwestern part of Germany, now Suabia, 
are too far off. Hodgkin (p. 119) suggests a confusion between 
Suavia and Savia, the region of the Save. Schmidt (55) says, 
" There is ground to believe that this people is identical with the 
Suevi of Vannius who possessed the mountain land between the 
March and the Theiss." Other events in Waccho' s reign are 
mentioned by Procopius (II, 22), but omitted by Paul. For in- 
stance, in the year 539, Vitiges, the Ostrogoth, being hard pressed 
by Belisarius, sent ambassadors to Waccho offering large sums of 
money to become his ally, but Waccho refused because a treaty 
had been concluded between the Langobards and Byzantines. 

3 Paul here refers to the famous " Origo Gentis Langobardorum " 
from which, or from a common original, Paul has taken much of 


this written in almost all the manuscripts as we have 
inserted it in this little history. And Waccho had three 
wives, that is. the first, Ranicunda, daughter of the king 
of the Turingi (Thuringians) ; then he married Aus- 
trigusa, the daughter of the king of the Gepidae, from 
whom he had two daughters; the name of one was 
Wisegarda, whom he bestowed in marriage upon Theu- 
depert, king of the Franks, and the second was called 
Walderada, who was united with Cusupald, another king 
of the Franks, and he, having her in hatred, 1 gave her 
over in marriage to one of his followers called Garipald. 2 
And Waccho had for his third wife the daughter of the 
king of the Heroli, 3 by name Salinga. From her a son 
was born to him, whom he called Waltari, and who 
upon the death of Waccho reigned as the eighth 4 king 

his early Langobard history. See Appendix II. Paul appears 
to have considered the Origo as the Prologue to Rothari's Edict. 
The two were, however, different, though both were prefixed to 
the Edict in at least some of the MSS. Mommsen (58, note) 
thinks it probable that the Origo was not an official but a private 
work, prefixed to the Edict for the first time in the year 668. 
Rothari composed the Edict and not the Origo, though Paul 
seems to have considered him the author of the latter (Jacobi 5). 

1 Gregory of Tours relates (IV, 9) that he repudiated her because 
he was accused by the clergy, probably on account of some 
ecclesiastical impediment. 

1 Garipald was duke of the Bavarians (Greg. Tours, IV, 9 ; 
Waitz ; see infra III, 10, 30). 

8 And yet Paul has just told us in the preceding chapter that 
at this time the Heroli had no king. 

* An error in enumeration, Tato being mentioned as seventh and 
Waccho omitted (Waitz). 

t- P. 41 J 

BOOK I. 41 

over the Langobards. All these were Lithingi; for 
thus among them a certain noble stock was called. 


Waltari, therefore, when he had held the sovereignty 
for seven years, 1 departed from this life, 3 and after him 
Audoin 3 was the ninth 4 who attained the kingly power 
(546-565), and he, not long afterwards, led the Lango- 
bards into Pannonia. 5 


THEN the Gepidae and the Langobards at last give 
birth to the strife which had been long since conceived 
and the two parties make ready for war. 6 When battle 

1 Probably 539 to 546 or thereabouts. (Hartmann, II, I, 30.) 

*Procopius says by disease (B. G., Ill, 35). 

1 The same, probably, as the Anglo-Saxon and English ' 'Edwin ' ' 
(Hodgkin, V, 122, note i). 

4 The race of Lethingi became extinct with Waltari. Audoin 
came from the race of Gausus (see Chronicon Gothanum, M. G., 
H. LL., IV, p. 644). 

6 Justinian, says Procopius (B. G., Ill, 33), had given this 
and other lands to the Langobards together with great sums of 
money (Schmidt, 58). They appear to have been in fact subsi- 
dized as allies and confederates of the Roman Empire (Hartmann, 
II, i, 12), and it seems to have been at Justinian's instigation that 
Audoin married a Thuringian princess, the great-niece of Theod- 
eric, who after the overthrow of the Thuringians had fled to Italy, 
and later had been brought by Belisarius to the court of Constan- 
tinople (Hartmann, II, i, 14). The invasion of Pannonia probably 
occurred not far from 546 (id., p. 30). 

6 Paul does not state the cause of this war. Schmidt believes (p. 
58) that it was probably begun at the instigation of Justinian whose 


was joined, while both lines fought bravely and neither 
yielded to the other, it happened that in the midst of 
struggle, Alboin, the son of Audoin, and Ttirismod, the 
son of Turisind encountered each other. And Alboin, 
striking the other with his sword, hurled him headlong 
from his horse to destruction. The Gepidae, seeing that 
the king's son was killed, through whom in great part 
the war had been set on foot, at once, in their discour- 
agement, start to flee. The Langobards, sharply fol- 
lowing them up, overthrow them and when a great num- 
ber had been killed they turn back to take off the spoils 
of the dead. When, after the victory had been won, 

interest it was to break up the friendship of two peoples who threat- 
ened to become dangerous to his empire and that in addition to 
this, the desire of the Langobards to get the important city of Sir- 
mium, then held by the Gepidae cooperated, and above all, the 
hostile feeling which had been called out by contests for the throne. 
It must be remembered that the Heroli, enemies to the Lango- 
bards, had been received in the confederacy of the Gepidae and 
that Hildechis, the descendant of Tato, was harbored by the Gepid 
king Turisind, just as Ustrigotthus, Turisind's rival for the Gepid 
throne, and son of his predecessor, Elemund, had found refuge at 
the court of Audoin. Prior to this, both nations had sought the 
alliance of the emperor (Hodgkin, V, 122-126). Justinian decided 
to help the Langobards since they were weaker and less dangerous 
to him than the Gepidae, so a Roman army of about 10,000 cav- 
alry and 1 500 Heroli marched against the Gepidae. Upon the 
way they annihilated a division of 3,000 Heroli who were allied to 
the Gepidae, and the Gepidae made a separate peace with the 
Langobards (p. 129). Audoin demanded of Turisind, king of 
the Gepidae, the delivery of Hildechis, but the latter escaped and 
wandered about in different countries (Schmidt, 60). 

A second war between the Langobards and Gepidae occurred 

BOOK I. 43 

the Langobards returned to their own abodes, they sug- 
gested to their king Audoin that Alboin, by whose valor 
they had won the victory in the fight, should become his 
table companion so that he who had been a comrade to 
his father in danger should also be a comrade at the 
feast. Audoin answered them that he could by no means 
do this lest he should break the usage of the nation. 
" You know," he said, " that it is not the custom among 
us that the son of the king should eat with his father 
unless he first receives his arms from the king of a for- 
eign nation." 

about 549 (Procopius, IV, 18), when a desperate panic seized both 
armies at the beginning of a battle, whereupon the two kings con- 
cluded a two years' truce. At the end of this time hostilities began 
anew. Justinian took the side of the Langobards and sent troops 
into the field, one division of which, under command of Amala- 
frid, joined the Langobards, while the rest of the troops remained 
by command of the emperor in Ulpiana to quell certain disturb- 
ances (Schmidt, 60, 61). The Langobards pushed into the territory 
of the Gepidae and defeated their adversaries. The field of battle 
was probably near Sirmium. Procopius (B. G., IV, 25) puts this 
battle in the seventeenth year of the war (March, 551, to 
March, 552). Probably this is the same battle which Paul re- 
lates. The Gepidae now begged for peace which was accorded to 
them through the intervention of Justinian. As a condition the 
Langobards and the emperor demanded the delivery of Hildechis. 
But as the Gepidae were resolved not to violate the sanctity of a 
guest, and as the Langobards refused to deliver 'Ustrigotthus, 
neither of these were surrendered, but both perished by assassina- 
tion, not without the knowledge of the two kings (Schmidt, 62 ; 
Hodgkin, V, 134). 



When he heard these things from his father, Alboin, 
taking only forty young men with him, journeyed to 
Turisind, king of the Gepidae with whom he had before 
waged war, and intimated the cause in which he had 
come. And the king, receiving him kindly, invited him 
to his table and placed him on his right hand where 
Turismod, his former son had been wont to sit. In the 
meantime, while the various dishes were made ready, 
Turisind, reflecting that his son had sat there only a 
little while before, and recalling to mind the death of 
his child and beholding his slayer present and sitting in 
his place, drawing deep sighs, could not contain himself, 
but at last his grief broke forth in utterance. " This 
place," he says, " is dear to me, but the person who sits 
in it is grievous enough to my sight." Then another 
son of the king who was present, aroused by his father's 
speech, began to provoke the Langobards with insults 
declaring (because they wore white bandages from their 
calves down) that they were like mares with white feet 
up to the legs, saying: " The mares that you take after 
have white fetlocks." x Then one of the Langobards thus 
answered these things: " Go to the field of Asfeld and 
there you can find by experience beyond a doubt how 
stoutly those you call mares succeed in kicking ; there 
the bones of your brother are scattered in the midst of 
the meadows like those of a vile beast." When they 

1 Or hoofs. Fetilus for petilus. The white hoof of a horse was 
so called. Others make \\. foctidae , "evil smelling." See Gib- 
bon, ch. 45. Hodgkin, V, 136. 

BOOK I. 45 

heard these things, the Gepidae, unable to bear the 
tumult of their passions, are violently stirred in anger 
and strive to avenge the open insult. The Langobards 
on the other side, ready for the fray, all lay their hands 
on the hilts of their swords. The king leaping forth from 
the table thrust himself into their midst and restrained 
his people from anger and strife, threatening first to 
punish him who first engaged in fight, saying that it is 
a victory not pleasing to God when any one kills his 
guest in his own house. Thus at last the quarrel hav- 
ing been allayed, they now finished the banquet with 
joyful spirits. And Turisind, taking up the arms of 
Turismod his son, delivered them to Alboin and sent him 
back in peace and safety to his father's kingdom. Al- 
boin having returned to his father, was made from that 
time his table companion. And when he joyfully par- 
took with his father of the royal delicacies, he related 
in order all the things which had happened to him among 
the Gepidae in the palace of Turisind. 2 Those who 
were present were astonished and applauded the bold- 
ness of Alboin nor did they less extol in their praises 
the most honorable behavior of Turisind. 


At this period the emperor Justinian was governing 
the Roman empire with good fortune. He was both 
prosperous in waging wars and admirable in civil mat- 
ters. For by Belisarius, the patrician, he vigorously 
subdued the Persians and by this same Belisarius he 

1 Read Turisindi with many MSS. instead of Tttrismodi. 


reduced to utter destruction the nation of the Wandals, 
captured their king Gelismer and restored all Africa to 
the Roman empire after ninety-six years. Again by 
the power of Belisarius he overcame the nation of the 
Goths in Italy and took captive Witichis their king. He 
subdued also the Moors who afterwards infested Africa 
together with their king Amtalas, by John the ex-con- 
sul, a man of wonderful courage. In like manner too, 
he subjugated other nations by right of war. For this 
reason, on account of his victories over them all, he 
deserved to have his surnames and to be called Alaman- 
nicus, Gothicus, Francicus, Germanicus, Anticus, Alani- 
cus, Wandalicus, and Africanus. He also arranged in 
wonderful brevity the laws of the Romans whose pro- 
lixity was very great and whose lack of harmony was 
injurious. For all the laws of the emperors which were 
certainly contained in many volumes he abridged into 
twelve books, and he ordered this volume called the 
Justinian Code. On the other hand, the laws of special 
magistrates or judges which were spread over almost 
two thousand books, he reduced to the number of fifty 
and called that work by the name of "Digests" or 
" Pandects." He also composed anew four books of 
''Institutes" in which the texture of all laws is briefly 
described ; he also ordered that the new laws which he 
himself had ordained, when reduced to one volume, 
should be called In the same way the "New Code" 
(Novels). The same emperor also built within the city 
of Constantinople to Christ our Lord, who is the wis- 
dom of God the Father, a church which he called by the 
Greek name " Hagia Sophia," that is, " Divine Wisdom." 

BOOK I. 47 

The workmanship of this so far excels that of all other 
buildings that in all the regions of the earth its like 
cannot be found. This emperor in fact was Catholic in 
his faith, upright in his deeds, just in his judgments, 
and therefore, to him all things came together for 
good. In his time Cassiodorus was renowned in the 
city of Rome x for knowledge both human and divine. 
Among other things which he nobly wrote, he ex- 
pounded particularly in a most powerful way the ob- 
scure parts of the Psalms. He was in the first place a 
consul, then a senator, and at last a monk. At this 
time also Dionisius, an abbott established in the city of 
Rome, computed a reckoning of Easter time by a won- 
derful argumentation. 2 Then also, at Constantinople, 
Priscian of Cassarea explored the depths of the gram- 
matical art, as I might say, and then also, Arator, a 
subdeacon of the Roman church, a wonderful poet, 
wrote the acts of the apostles in hexameter verses. 


In these days also the most blessed father Benedict, 
first in a place called Sublacus (Subiaco), which is dis- 
tant forty miles 3 from the city of Rome, and afterwards 

1 His work was done mostly at Ravenna and Viviers in Brut- 
tium (where he retired to a monastery). His fame was not con- 
fined to Rome but extended throughout Italy, and the entire 
Roman world. 

* In his Cyclus Paschalis he also introduced the annunciation of 
the birth of Christ as the starting-point of chronology. 

* A Roman mile is 142 yards less than the English statute mile. 


in the stronghold of Cassinum (Monte Cassino '), which 
is called Arx, was renowned for his great life and his 
apostolic virtues. His biography, as is known, the 
blessed Pope Gregory composed in delightful language 
in his Dialogues. I also, according to my meager talent, 
have braided together in the following manner in honor 
of so great a father, each of his miracles by means of 
corresponding distichs in elegiac meter. 2 . . . We have 
woven also in this manner a hymn in iambic Archi- 
lochian meter, containing each of the miracles of the 
same father. 3 . . . 

I may here briefly relate a thing that the blessed 
pope Gregory did not at all describe in his life of this 
most holy father. When, by divine admonition, he had 
come almost fifty miles from Sublacus to this place 
where his body reposes, three ravens, whom he was 
accustomed to feed, followed him, flying around him. 
And at every crossway, while he came hither, two angels 
appearing in the form of young men, showed him which 
way he ought to take. And in this place [Cassinum] 
a certain servant of God then had a dwelling, to whom a 
voice from heaven said : 

Leave these sacred spots, another friend is at hand. 

1 A famous monastery, 45 miles N. W. of Naples, the cradle ot 
the Benedictine order. 

*The sixty-four distichs which follow are found in Appendix III, 
as they have no proper connection with the history. They had 
been written by Paul previously, and certain additions to them 
contained in other MSS. are published by Bethmann (331). 

* These verses are also contained in Appendix III. 

BOOK I. 49 

And when he had come here, that is to the citadel of 
Cassinum he always restrained himself in great absti- 
nence, but especially at the time of Lent he remained 
shut up and removed from the noise of the world. I 
have taken all these things from the song of the poet 
Marcus, who coming hither to this same father, com- 
posed some verses in his praise, but to guard against 
too great prolixity, I have not described them in these 
books. It is certain, however, that this illustrious father 
came to this fertile place overlooking a rich valley, 
being called by heaven for this purpose, that there 
should be here a community of many monks, as has 
actually occurred under God's guidance. These things, 
which were not to be omitted, having been briefly told, 
let us return to the regular order of our history. 


Now Audoin, king of the Langobards, of whom we 
have spoken, had to wife Rodelinda, who bore him 
Alboin, a man fitted for wars and energetic in all 
things. Then Audoin died, 1 and afterwards Alboin, 
the tenth king, entered- upon the government of his 
country according to the wishes of all, and since he 
had everywhere a name very illustrious and distinguished 
for power, Chlothar, the king of the Franks, joined 
to him in marriage his daughter Chlotsuinda. From 
her he begot one daughter only, Alpsuinda by name. 
Meanwhile Turisind, king of the Gepidae, died, and 
Cunimund succeeded him in the sovereignty. And he, 

'Probably about 565 (Hodgkin, V, 137). 


desiring to avenge the old injuries of the Gepidae, 
broke his treaty with the Langobards and chose war 
rather than peace. 1 But Alboin entered into u perpetual 
treaty with the Avars, who were first called Huns, and 
afterwards Avars, from the name of their o\vn king. 2 
Then he set out for the war prepared by the Gepidae. 
When the latter were hastening against him in a differ- 
ent direction, the Avars, as they had agreed with 
Alboin, invaded their country. A sad messenger com- 
ing to Cunimund, announced to him that the Avars had 
entered his territories. Although cast down in spirit, 
and put into sore straits on both sides, still he urged his 
people to fight first with the Langobards, and that, if they 
should be able to overcome these, they should then 
drive the army of the Huns from their country. There- 
fore battle is joined and they fight with all their might. 
The Langobards become the victors, raging against the 

1 Paul apparently confounds two wars in one. Alboin in the 
first overcomes Cunimund; then the emperor Justin prepares to 
aid the Gepidae and Alboin offers to make peace and to marry 
Rosemund. His offer is refused and in the second war Cunimund 
is killed (Waitz). 

2 These were a horde of Asiatics who had entered Europe in the 
closing years of the reign of Justinian, had extorted large subsi- 
dies from him and had penetrated westward as far as Thuringia 
(Hodgkin, V, 137). Their chief bore the title of cagan or khan. 
The treaty made by Alboin with the khan Baian shows that the 
Avars drove a hard bargain with the Langobards. Baian con- 
sented to the alliance only on condition that the Langobards 
should give the Avars a tenth part of their livestock and that in 
the event of victory the Avars should receive one-half of the spoils 
and the whole of the lands of the Gepid.e (Schmidt, 63-64). 

BOOK I. 51 

Gepidae in such wrath that they reduce them to utter 
destruction, and out of an abundant multitude scarcely 
the messenger survives. 1 In this battle Alboin killed 
Cunimund, and made out of his head, which he carried 
off, a drinking goblet. This kind of a gcblet is called 
among them " scala," 2 but in the Latin language 
" patera." And he led away as a captive, 3 Cunimund's 
daughter, Rosemund by name, together with a great 
multitude of both sexes and every age, and because 
Chlotsuinda had died he married her, to his own injury, 
as afterwards appeared. Then the Langobards secured 
such great booty that they now attained the most ample 

1 The destruction of the kingdom of the Gepidae occurred in 
566 or 567 (Hartmann, II, i, 31). 

2 Compare the Norse word skaal, skoal, German Schale. Hodg- 
kin, however, thinks it is related rather to the German Sch'ddel, 
our skull (V, 1 39). 

3 It appears he first saw Rosemund when he went to the court 
of Turisind to get his arms (Schmidt, 62). On account of political 
considerations he had to marry Chlotsuinda, daughter of the 
Frankish king, Chlothar I, but when she died, he sued for the hand 
of Rosemund, and when it was refused, he forcibly carried her 
away into his kingdom (p. 63). Cunimund vainly demanded the 
return of his daughter, and was unwilling that she should marry 
the hated Langobard. War followed, in which at first the Lango- 
bards had the better, but finally they were defeated as the Gepidae 
had brought Justin II, who had succeeded Justinian, over to their 
side. The result was that Rosemund was set free. Then Alboin 
sought allies and found them in the Avars (id.). When Cunimund 
heard of this he again sought the aid of Justin and promised to 
cede Sirmium and other possessions to the empire in return for 
assistance. Justin delayed and remained neutral, but finally took 
Sirmium after the Gepidae were defeated (Schmidt, 64). 


riches, but the race of the Gepidae were so diminished 
that from that time on they had no king. But all 
who were able to survive the war were either subjected 
to the Langobards or groan even up to the present 
time in bondage to a grievous mastery, since the 
Huns possess their country. But the name of Alboin 
was spread abroad far and wide, so illustrious, that even 
up to this time his noble bearing and glory, the good 
fortune of his wars and his courage are celebrated, not 
only among the Bavarians and the Saxons, but also 
among other men of the same tongue in their songs. 
It is also related by many up to the present time that a 
special kind of arms was made under him. 




Now when the frequent victories of the Lango- 
bards were noised about in every direction, Narses, 
keeper of the imperial archives, who was then ruling 
over Italy and preparing for war against Totila, king of 
the Goths, inasmuch as he long before had the Lango- 
bards for allies, directed messengers to Alboin, asking 
that he should furnish him assistance to fight with the 
Goths. Then Alboin sent a chosen band of his Mo give 
support to the Romans against the Goths. They were 
transported into Italy by a bay 2 of the Adriatic sea, 
and having joined the Romans, began the struggle with 
the Goths, and when these were reduced to utter de- 
struction, together with Totila, their king, the Lango- 
bards returned as victors, honored with many gifts, to 
their own country .3 During all the time the Lango- 

1 This actually occurred under Audoin, not Alboin (Procopius, 
B. G., IV, 26). Twenty-five hundred Langobards were chosen 
and Audoin sent with them a retinue of three thousand other 
armed men (id.). 

1 The dwellers in the lagoons at the northern extremity of the 
Adriatic transported the army along the shores, crossing the 
mouths of the rivers in small boats (id.). 

'They were sent to Italy A. D. 554, returned A. D. 552 
(Waitz). Their disorderly conduct and the outrages they com- 
mitted made them dangerous allies, and Narses took an early oc- 
casion to send them home (Procopius, B. G., IV, 33). 



bards held Pannonia, they were the allies of the Roman 
state againt its rivals. 


In these times Narses also waged war against Duke 
Buccellinus, whom Theudepert, 1 king of the Franks, 
when he entered Italy and returned to Gaul, had left 
behind with Amingus, another duke, to conquer the 
country. This Buccellinus, after devastating nearly all 
Italy with rapine, and after bestowing upon Theude- 

1 Grandson of Clovis, the founder of the Prankish monarchy. 
Theudepert had invaded Italy in the year 539 (Muratori Ann., 
Ill, p. 388; Hodgkin, V, p. n), but the dysentery swept away 
a third of his army, and the clamor of his own subjects, as well as 
the representations of Belisarius, the general of Justinian, induced 
him to return home (Gibbon, ch. 41). When he departed from 
Italy he did not relinquish all he had won. The larger part of 
Venetia, a good deal of Liguria and the provinces of the Cottian 
Alps were retained (Hodgkin, V, 1 1). 

Theudepert died in 548, leaving as his successor his feeble child 
Theudebald (p. 13). Five years later (A. D. 533), when the 
Goths in Italy were overthrown by Narses, those who still held 
out in the north besought the Prankish king for aid, and Buccel- 
linus (Butilin) and his brother Leutharius, leaders of the barbarous 
Alamanni, ravaged northern Italy (pp. 16-17), an ^ then swept 
down toward the south. The armies of the two brothers kept 
together as far as Samnium, then they divided. Buccellinus rav- 
aged the west coast and Leutharius the east, down to the end of 
the peninsula (A. D. 554). Finally Leutharius determined to re- 
turn with his booty, but when he was about to cross the Alps a 
pestilence broke out in his army and he perished (pp. 33-36). 
Buccellinus was attacked by Narses near Capua, his army was 
destroyed and he was slain. This expedition of Buccellinus, 
therefore, occurred not under Theudepert but after his death. 

BOOK II. 55 

pert, his king, abundant gifts from the booty of the 
country, was arranging to winter in Campania, but was 
overcome at length in disastrous war by Narses at a 
place whose name is Tannetum, 1 and was slain. And 
when Amingus attempted to bring aid to Widin, a 
count of the Goths rebelling against Narses, both were 
overcome by Narses. Widin being captured, was ban- 
ished to Constantinople, but Amingus, who had offered 
him assistance, perished by the sword of Narses. Also 
a third duke of the Franks, by name Leutharius, the 
brother of Buccellinus, when he desired to return to his 
country laden with great booty, died a natural death 
between Verona and Tridentum (Trent), near Lake 
Benacus (Lago di Garda). 2 


Narses had also a struggle with Sinduald, king of the 
Brenti, 3 a surviving descendant of the stock of the 
Heroli whom Odoacar, when he formerly came into 
Italy, had brought with him. Upon this man, who at 
first adhered to him faithfully, Narses conferred many 
benefits, but defeated him in war, captured him and 

1 This battle occurred near Capua, on the banks of the river 
Casilinum, another name for the Vulturnus (Volturno) (Waitz ; 
Hodgkin, V, 36-44.) The name Tannetum cannot be positively 

* He died of the pestilence which had broken out in his army. 
See previous note. 

s Perhaps the same as those called Breones or Briones, dwelling 
in the Alps of Noricum or in the neighborhood of the Brenner in 
Tyrol (Waitz; Abel; see Zeuss, 484). 


hung him from a lofty beam, when at last he insolently 
rebelled and sought to obtain the sovereignty. 1 At this 
time also Narses, the patrician, by means of Dagisteus, 
the Master of Soldiers, a powerful and warlike man, 
got possession of all the territories of Italy. 2 This 
Narses indeed was formerly keeper of the archives, 3 and 
afterwards on account of the value of his high qualities, 
he earned the honor of the patriciate. For he was a 
very pious man, a Catholic in religion, generous to the 
poor, very zealous in restoring churches, 4 and so much 
devoted to vigils and prayers that he obtained victory 
more by the supplications which he poured forth to 
God, than by the arms of war. 


In the times of this man a very great pestilence broke 
out, particularly in the province of Liguria. 5 For sud- 

1 A. D. 565 (Hodgkin, V, 56). 

2 Narses took the city of Rome largely through the agency of 
Dagisteus (Procopius, IV, 33), who thus became the means of the 
recovery of Italy (Waitz). The title " Master of Soldiers," (#/<?.<,'"- 
ister militum,} was given at the time of Constantine to important 
ministers of state, and there were then only eight of these in the 
whole empire (Hodgkin, VI, 539); in the time of Theoderic, the 
king alone (Hartmann, I, 99), and later, Belisarius, the general- 
in-chief of Justinian, held this important military office (id., p. 
258). Afterwards however, the title became cheapened, the num- 
ber of magistri militum increased, and at last the rank became 
much the same as that of dux or duke (Hodgkin, VI, 540). 

s Chartularius, see DuCange. 

* After their desecration by the Arian Goths. 

'Probably A. D. 566 (Hodg., V, 166, note 2). 

BOOK II. 57 

denly there appeared certain marks among the dwellings, 
doors, utensils, and clothes, which, if any one wished to 
wash away, became more and more apparent. After 
the lapse of a year indeed there began to appear in the 
groins of men and in other rather delicate x places, a 
swelling of the glands, after the manner of a nut or a 
date, presently followed by an unbearable fever, so that 
upon the third day the man died. But if any one 
should pass over the third day he had a hope of living. 
Everywhere there was grief and everywhere tears. 
For as common report had it that those who fled would 
avoid the plague, the dwellings were left deserted by 
their inhabitants, and the dogs only kept house. The 
flocks remained alone in the pastures with no shepherd 
at hand. You might see villas or fortified places lately 
filled with crowds of men, and on the next day, all had 
departed and everything was in utter silence. Sons 
fled, leaving the corpses of their parents unburied ; 
parents forgetful of their duty abandoned their children 
in raging fever. If by chance long-standing affection 
constrained any one to bury his near relative, he re- 
mained himself unburied, and while he was perform- 
ing the funeral rites he perished ; while he offered 
obsequies to the dead, his own corpse remained without 
obsequies. You might see the world brought back to 
its ancient silence : no voice in the field ; no whistling 
of shepherds ; no lying in wait of wild beasts among the 
cattle; no harm to domestic fowls. The crops, out- 
living the time of the harvest, awaited the reaper un- 

1 Read delicatioribus in place of deligatioribus. 


touched ; the vineyard with its fallen leaves and its 
shining grapes remained undisturbed while, winter came 
on ; a trumpet as of warriors resounded through the 
hours of the night and day ; something like the murmur 
of an army was heard by many ; there were no foot- 
steps of passers by, no murderer was seen, yet the 
corpses of the dead were more than the eyes could dis- 
cern ; pastoral places had been turned into a sepulchre 
for men, and human habitations had become places of 
refuge for wild beasts. And these evils happened to 
the Romans only and within Italy alone, up to the 
boundaries of the nations of the Alamanni and the 
Bavarians. Meanwhile, the emperor Justinian departed 
from life and Justin the younger undertook the rule of 
the state at Constantinople. In these times also Narses 
the patrician, whose care was watching everything, at 
length seized Vitalis, bishop of the city of Altinum 
(Altino), who had fled many years before to the king- 
dom of the Franks that is, to the city of Aguntum 
(Innichen) 1 and condemned him to exile in Sicily. 


Now the whole nation of the Goths having been 
destroyed or overthrown, as has been said, and those 
also of whom we have spoken * having been in like man- 
ner conquered, Narses, after he had acquired much 
gold and silver and riches of other kinds, incurred the 
great envy of the Romans although he had labored much 

1 At the headwaters of the Drave in Tyrol (Waitz). 
1 In ch. 2 and 3 supra. 

BOOK II. 59 

for them against their enemies, and they made insinua- 
tions against him to the emperor Justin J and his wife 
Sophia, in these words, saying, "It would be advantageous 
for the Romans to serve the Goths rather than the Greeks 
wherever the eunuch Narses rules and oppresses us 
with bondage, and of these things our most devout 
emperor is ignorant: Either free us from his hand or 
surely we will betray the city of Rome and ourselves to 
the heathens." 2 When Narses heard this he answered 
briefly these words : " If I have acted badly with the 
Romans it will go hard with me." Then the emperor 
was so greatly moved with anger against Narses that he 
straightway sent the prefect Longinus into Italy to take 
Narses' place. But Narses, when he knew these things, 
feared greatly, and so much was he alarmed, especially 
by the same empress Sophia, that he did not dare to 
return again to Constantinople. Among other things, 
because he was a eunuch, she is said to have sent him 
this message, that she would make him portion out to 
the girls in the women's chamber the daily tasks of 
wool. 3 To these words Narses is said to have given 
this answer, that he would begin to weave her such a 
web as she could not lay down as long as she lived/ 

1 Read Justino for Justiniano. It was Justin II who was the 
husband of Sophia and to whom this complaint was made. 

* The Arian Goths were so considered. 

8 In Fredegarius (Epitome, iii, 65) it is said that the empress sent 
him a golden instrument used by women with which he might 
spin and told him that henceforth he might rule over wool-workers, 
not over nations. 

4 Or, as Fredegarius has it (id.): " I will spin a thread of which 


Therefore, greatly racked by hate and fear, he withdrew 
to Neapolis (Naples), a city of Campania, and soon 
sent messengers to the nation of the Langobards, urging 
them to abandon the barren fields of Pannonia and come 
and take possession of Italy, teeming with every sort of 
riches. At the same time he sends many kinds of fruits 
and samples of other things with which Italy is well sup- 
plied, whereby to attract their minds to come. 1 The 

neither the emperor Justin nor the empress shall be able to find 
the end" (Hodgkin, V, 62). 

1 The charge that Narses in revenge for his recall (A. D. 566 or 
567) invited the Langobards into Italy is subject to grave doubt. 
Paul's statement that he sent them the fruits and products of that 
country contains an obvious improbability, since their troops had 
served in Italy fifteen years before and they needed no informa- 
tion on that subject (Hodgkin, V, 62). Paul followed the pop- 
ular tradition, and tracing this back, we find that the account 
occurs in the so-called Fredegarius (A. D. 642 to 658), but with- 
out the statement concerning the fruits and other products of Italy. 
Bishop Isidore of Seville, whose chronicle came down to 615, tells 
us that Narses, terrified by the threats of Sophia, invited the 
Langobards from Pannonia and introduced them into Italy. The 
Copenhagen continuer of Prosper (about 625) copies from Isidore. 
The Liber Pontificalis (Life of John III, A. D. 579-590) says 
that Narses went to Campania and wrote to the Langobards to 
come and take possession of Italy (Hodgkin, V, 60, 61). This 
book was nearly contemporary and shows a popular belief that 
Narses was disloyal to the empire. Neither of the two best con- 
temporary authors, Marius of Avenches or Gregory of Tours, who 
died about 594, speak of Narses' invitation to the Langobards, 
though the former mentions his recall and both speak of the in- 
vasion of Alboin. The Annals of Ravenna are equally silent. 
While Narses' recall was probably due to the empress and fur- 
nished the Langobards with their opportunity, the statement that 

BOOK II. 6 1 

Langobards receive joyfully the glad tidings which they 
themselves had also been desiring, and they form high 
expectations of future advantages. In Italy terrible 
signs were continually seen at night, that is, fiery swords 
appeared in heaven gleaming with that blood which was 
afterwards shed. 


But Alboin, being about to set out for Italy with the 
Langobards, asked aid from his old friends, the Saxons, 
that he might enter and take possession of so spa- 
cious a land with a larger number of followers. The 
Saxons came to him, more than 20,000 men, together 
with their wives and children, to proceed with him to 
Italy according to his desire. Hearing these things, 
Chlothar and Sigisbert, kings of the Franks, put the 
Suavi and other nations into the places from which 
these Saxons had come. 1 

he invited them is hardly sustained by sufficient evidence to 
establish the treason of that eminent commander, though it shows 
that after the invasion his agency was suspected (Hodgkin, V, 
64, 65). Certain it is that when his body was brought to Con- 
stantinople, the emperor whom he is said to have betrayed, carried 
his bier and paid the last honors to his memory (Hartmann II, 
I, 24). 

1 Hodgkin believes (V, 156 note) that the fact that the Suavi, 
whom he considers the same as the Alamanni, occupied the homes 
of these Saxons, indicates that they were located in southern 





Then Alboin bestowed his own abode, that is, Pan- 
nonia, upon his friends the Huns 1 on this condition: 
that if at any time it should be necessary for the 
Langobards to return 2 they should take back their own 
fields. Then the Langobards, having left Pannonia, 
hastened to take possession of Italy with their wives and 
children and all their goods. They dwelt in Pannonia 
forty-two years. 3 They came out of it in the month of 
April in the first indiction * on the day after holy Easter, 

1 That is the Avars (Waitz). See supra I, 27. 

1 " At any time within two hundred years, ' ' adds the Chronicon 
Gothanum (M. G. Leges IV, 644), and it was also provided in 
the agreement that the Avars should aid the Langobards in Italy. 

! This period is impossible since the Langobards entered Pan- 
nonia not far from 546, and left it in 568. Probably 22 should be 
substituted for 42 (Hartmann, II, i, 30). 

4 The word " indiction " originally meant the declaration of the 
imposition of a tax. When Constantine the Great reorganized the 
Roman Empire he established a fiscal period of fifteen years for 
this imposition, beginning A. D. 313. Hence the word in chro- 
nology means the number attached to the year showing its place 
in a cycle of fifteen years, beginning A. D. 313. There were 
three kinds of indiction. The original Greek or Constantinopolitan 
indiction (here referred to) is reckoned from September ist of 
what we consider the previous year. To find the indiction. add 
three to the number of the year in the vulgar era and divide it by 
1 5, the remainder is the indiction. If nothing is left over, it is the 
1 5th indiction. The year when Alboin left Pannonia was A. D. 
568. Adding 3 and dividing by 15 we have I remaining, and as 
the indiction began in September, 567, April of the year 568 was 
in the ist indiction, and the 2d indiction began in September of 
that year. 

It will be observed that this date is given by Paul for Alboin's 

BOOK II. 63 

whose festival that year, according to the method of 

departure from Pannonia, not for his actual entrance into Italy. 
Paul apparently takes this from the Origo (see Appendix II): 
"And Alboin, king of the Langobards, moved out of Pannonia in 
the month of April after Easter, in the first indiction. In the sec- 
ond indiction indeed (September, 568, to September, 569), they 
began to plunder in Italy, but in the third indiction he became 
master of Italy." A question has arisen whether the actual inva- 
sion of Italy occurred in 568 or 569. The edict of Rothari, of 
Nov., 643, states that it was published (M. G., LL., IV, p. i) in 
the 76th year after the arrival of the Langobards in the province 
of Italy. This indicates that the invasion must have occurred 
before Nov., 568. But a fragment of Secundus of June, 580, 
speaks of the Langobards as ' ' remaining in Italy 1 2 years since 
they entered it in the month of May in the second indiction." In 
these 12 years, according to a common method of computation 
at that time, the I2th year may not have been completed and 
Secundus' date for the invasion is clearly May, 569 (see M. G., 
Script. Rerum Lang, et Ital., p. 25, n. 3 a). Marius of Avenches 
says that in 569 Alboin " occupied " Italy, which Muratori thinks 
(Annals, A. D. 568) must have been a mistake in the copyist. 
The Annals of Ravenna (Agnello, a. c. 94) says that in the 2d in- 
diction (Sept. i, 568, to Sept. i, 569) Venetia was invaded and 
occupied by the Langobards. Pope Gregory I wrote June, 595 
(Indie. 13, lib. V, 21) that the Romans had been threatened by 
the Langobards for 27 years, and in July, 603 (Indie. 6, lib. XIII, 
38), for 35 years, but in computing this time the final year is not 
complete, so that the probable date of the invasion would be 569 
(see Roviglio, infra, p. 12). Cipolla (Atti del R. Istituto Veneto, 
x, 1889-90, series 7, t. I, pp. 686-688) and Roviglio (Sopra Al- 
cuni Dati Cronologici, Reggio-Emilia, 1899 contend for 569; 
Crivellucci (Studii Storici, I, 478-497) and Hodgkin (V, 158) for 
568. The authorities are very equally divided. Secundus, a 
contemporary and considered reliable, would perhaps be entitled 
to the greatest weight, were it not that the official statement in the 
Edict supports the year given by Paul. 


calculation, fell upon the calends (the first) of April, 
when five hundred and sixty-eight years had already 
elapsed from the incarnation of our Lord. 


Therefore, when king Alboin with his whole army 
and a multitude of people of all kinds ' had come to the 
limits of Italy, he ascended a mountain which stands 
forth in those places, and from there as far as he could 
see, he gazed upon a portion of Italy. Therefore this 
mountain it is said, was called from that time on " King's 
Mountain." 2 They say wild oxen graze upon it, and no 
wonder, since at this point it touches Pannonia, which 
is productive of these animals. In fine, a certain very 
truthful old man related to me that he had seen the hide 
of a wild ox killed on this mountain of such size that in 
it fifteen men, as he said, could lie one against the other. 

When Alboin without any hindrance had thence 

1 Including no doubt inhabitants of Noricum and Pannonia, 
Slavs from the East, a strong contingent of Saxons, and many 
others belonging to different German races (Hartmann, II, i, p. 

J Rudolf Virchow said at the meeting of the German Anthropo- 
logical Society, Sept. 5, 1899 (see Correspondenz-blatt of that 
Society for 189899, p. 180) that he had taken a special journey 
to follow the course of the Langobards into Italy and was con- 
vinced that their irruption was by the road over the Predil pass, 
thence into the valley of the Isonzo, and that Monte Maggiore 
(north of Cividale) is the " King's Mountain " of Paul. 

BOOK II. 65 

entered the territories of Venetia, which is the first 
province of Italy that is, the limits of the city or rather 
of the fortress of Forum Julii (Cividale) 1 he began 
to consider to whom he should especially commit 
the first of the provinces that he had taken. For 
indeed all Italy (which extends toward the south, or 
rather toward the southeast), is encompassed by the 
waves of the Tyrrhenian and Adriatic seas, yet from 
the west and north it is so shut in by the range of Alps 
that there is no entrance to it except through narrow 
passes and over the lofty summits of the mountains. 
Yet from the eastern side by which it is joined to Pan- 
nonia it has an approach which lies open more broadly 
and is quite level. When Albion therefore, as we have 
said, reflected whom he ought to make duke 2 in these 
places, he determined, as is related, to put over the city 
of Forum Julii and over its whole district, 3 his nephew 

1 See, however, Waitz, who thinks Colonia Julia Carnia, north 
of Osopus, is referred to. 

1 As to the meaning of the word ' ' duke ' ' at this time see note 
to II, 32, infra. 

The district or duchy of Friuli which Gisulf was to rule can- 
not be definitely bounded. It reached northward probably to 
the Carnic Alps, eastward to the Julian Alps, and southward to a 
line not far from the coast which was subject to the sea power of 
the Eastern Empire. Concordia was not won from the empire 
until about 615, and Opitergium in 642. To the west, Friuli was 
bounded by other Langobard territory, especially by the duchy of 
Ceneda from which it was separated by the Tagliamento or 
Livenza (Hodg., VI, 43, 44). The Bavarians dwelt northwest of 
the duchy, the Slavonians northeast, and behind them the Asiatic 
Avars (Hodgkin, VI, 44). Cividale was made the capital instead 


Gisulf, 1 who was his master of horse whom they call 
in their own language "marpahis" 2 a man suitable in 
every way. This Gisulf announced that he would not 
first undertake the government of this city and people 
unless Alboin would give him the " faras," that is, the 
families or stocks of the Langobards that he himself 
wished to choose. And this was done, and with the 
approval of the king he took to dwell with him the chief 
families of the Langobards he had desired.s And thus 
finally, he acquired the honor of a leader. 4 He asked 
also from the king for herds of high-bred mares, and in 
this also he was heeded by the liberality of his chief. 


In these days in which the Langobards invaded Italy, 
the kingdom of the Franks, divided into four parts upon 
tht death of their king Chlotar, was ruled by his four 
sons. The first among these, Aripert (Charibert) had 

of Aquileia which had been the chief city (Hodgkin, VI, 39). 
Friuli is the first mentioned of the four great dukedoms conspicu- 
ous by their size and power over all others during the period of the 
Langobards: Friuli, Trent, Spoleto, and Benevento. The two 
last were largely independent of the Langobard kingdom. Trent 
and Friuli never succeeded in achieving their independence al- 
though this was several times attempted (Hodg., VI, 23). 

1 Bethmann believes that it was Grasulf, Gisulf s father (Waitz). 

1 From mar, mare a horse and paizan to put on the bit, accord- 
ing to Grimm (Abel, Hodgkin, VI, 42; V, 161). 

8 Indeed it was by faras or clans that Italy in general was first 
occupied by the Langobards (Hartmann II, i, 21). 

* Read ductor instead of doctor. 

BOOK II. 67 

the seat of his kingdom at Paris ; x the second indeed, 
Gunthram held sway at the city of Aureliani (Orleans) ; 
the third, Hilperic (Chilperic) had his throne at Ses- 
sionae (Soissons), in the place of Chlotar, his father; 
the fourth, Sigisbert, ruled at the city of Mettis 
(Metz). 2 At this time, too, the most holy Benedict as 
pope governed the Roman Church. 3 Also the blessed 
patriarch Paul presided over the city of Aquileia and 
its people and, fearing the barbarity of the Langobards, 
fled from Aquileia to the island of Grado; 4 and he car- 
ried away with him all the treasure of his church. 5 In 
this year in the early winter as much snow fell in the 
plain as is wont to fall upon the summits of the Alps, and 
in the following summer there was such great fertility as 
no other age claims to remember. At this time too 
when they had learned of the death of king Chlotar, 
the Huns, who are also called Avars, attacked his son 
Sigisbert and the latter, coming up to meet them in 
Turingia, overcame them with great force near the river 

1 Charibert in fact had died in 567, just before the Langobards 
invaded Italy (Hodgkin, V, 199). 

'See infra, III, 10, note. The name is there spelled Sigispert. 

8 This is erroneous. It was John III who was pope from 560 to 
573 (Jacobi, 48). Benedict was pope 573-578. Paul was led 
into this error by a statement in the Liber Pontificalis from which 
he took the account, that at the time of Benedict, the Langobards 
invaded all Italy (Ed L. Duchesne, I, 308; Atti del Congresso in 
Cividale, 1899, p. 118, note.) 

4 An island near Aquileia and close to the mainland but inac- 
cessible to the Langobards who had no boats. 

6 It was Paulinus, not Paul who thus fled to Grado (Waitz). 



Albis (Elbe) and gave peace to them when they sought 
it. Brunicheldis, 1 coming from Spain, is joined in mar- 
riage to this Sigisbert, and from her he had a son by 
name Childepert. The Avars, fighting again with Sigis- 
bert in the same places as before, crushed the army 
of the Franks and obtained the victory. 


Narses indeed returned from Campania to Rome and 
there not long afterwards, departed from this life, 2 and 
his body, placed in a leaden casket, was carried with all 
his riches to Constantinople. 


When Alboin then came to the river Plavis (Piave), 
Felix the bishop of the church of Tarvisium (Treviso) 
came forth there to meet him, and the king, since he 
was very generous, 3 granted to him at his request all the 
property of his church and confirmed the things asked 
for by a solemn document. 4 


Because indeed, we have made mention of this Felix, 
we may also relate a few things concerning the vener- 

1 Or Brunichildis, Brunihilde, as Paul variously spells it. 

'About 573 or perhaps a year or two earlier (Hodg. , V, 65). 

8 His generosity is also extolled in the song of Widsith (Hodg- 
kin, V, 176). 

4 This has been questioned since the Langobards were then 
ignorant of writing, but it is not impossible (VVaitz). 

BOOK II. 69 

able and very wise man Fortunatus, who had declared 
that this Felix was his colleague. In short, this Fortu- 
natus of whom we speak was born in a place which is 
called Duplabilis, which place lies not far from the 
fortress of Ceneta (Ceneda) and the city of Tarvisium 
(Treviso) . He was, however, brought up and instructed 
at Ravenna and became very distinguished in the gram- 
matical, the rhetorical and also the metrical art. And 
since he suffered a very grievous disease of the eyes, 
and this Felix also, his colleague, in like manner suf- 
fered in his eyes, they both proceeded to the church of 
the blessed Paul and John, which is situated within that 
city, and in which an altar, built in honor of St. Martin 
the Confessor, has a window near by in which a lamp 
was set to give light. With the oil of this, these men, 
that is, Fortunatus and Felix, presently touched their 
suffering eyes. Instantly the disease was driven away, 
and they obtained the health they longed for. For this 
reason Fortunatus adored the blessed Martin so much 
that he abandoned his country a little before the Lango- 
bards invaded Italy, and set out for the sepulchre of 
that blessed man at Turones (Tours), and he relates that 
his way of proceeding thither, as he tells it himself in 
his songs, was by the streams of Tiliamentum (Taglia- 
mento) and Reuna (Ragogna), and by Osupus 
(Osopo) and the Julian Alps, 1 and by the fortress of 
Aguntum (Innichen) and the rivers Drave and Byrrus 
(Rienz), and by Briones (the Brenner), and the city of 

1 This part of the range is to-day called the Carnic Alps (Studii 
Storici, 1899, p. 405). 


Augusta (Augsburg), which the Virdo (Wertach) and 
Lecha (Lech) water. And after he had come to Tur- 
ones (Tours), according to his own vow, passing on 
through Pictavi (Poitiers), he dwelt there and wrote at 
that place of the doings of many saints, part in prose 
and part in metrical fashion, and lastly in the same city 
he was ordained, first as a presbyter and then as a 
bishop, and in the same place he reposes buried with 
befitting honor. Here he wrote the life of St. Martin 
in four books in heroic meter, and he composed many 
other things, most of all hymns for particular festivals 
and especially little verses to particular friends, being 
second to none of the poets in soft and fluent speech. 
At his grave, when I came thither for the purpose of 
prayer, 1 upon the request of Aper the abbot of that 
place I composed this epitaph to be inscribed there : 

Here in this soil Fortunatus lies buried, the first among prophets, 

Born in Ausonian land, worthy of honor in deed, 
Famous in talent, quick to perceive and in speech ever gentle. 

Many an eloquent page sings his melodious lay. 
Fresh from his holy lips, to show us the way to salvation, 

Deeds of the saints we learn fathers of primitive times. 
Happy art thou, O land of Gaul, with such jewels emblazoned, 

Whose resplendent fire scatters the shadows of night ! 
Verses of commonplace song, in thy honor, O saint, have I written, 

Lest thy fame lie hid, lost in the depths of the crowd. 
Render I pray a return, and ask through thy infinite merits 

That the Eternal Judge mercy show also to me. 

In a few words we have touched upon these things 
1 Between the years 782-786 (Waitz). 

BOOK II. 71 

concerning so great a man, that his fellow citizens might 
not be wholly ignorant of his life; now let us return 
to the thread of our history. 


Then Alboin took Vincentia (Vicenza) and Verona 
and the remaining cities of Venetia, except Patavium 
(Padua), Mons Silicis (Monselice) and Mantua. 1 For 
Venetia is composed not only of the few islands which 
we now call Venice, but its boundary stretches from the 
borders of Pannonia to the river Addua (Adda). This 
is proved in the books of annals in which Pergamus 
(Bergamo) is said to be a city of Venetia and in his- 
tories we thus read of lake Benacus (Lago di Garda) : 
" Benacus, a lake of Venetia from which the river Mincius 
(Mincio) flows." The Eneti, indeed (though a letter 
is added among the Latins), are called in Greek the 
" praiseworthy." Histria is also joined to Venetia and 
both are considered one province. Histria is named from 
the river Hister which, according to Roman history, is 
said to have been broader than it is now. The city of 
Aquileia was the capital of this Venetia, in place of which 
is now Forum Julii (Cividale), so called because Julius 
Caesar had established there a market for business. 

I do not think we are wandering from the subject if 

1 Paul is probably in error in saying that Mantua was not taken 
by Alboin. It was indeed later taken by Agilulf, but this was 
after it had been recaptured by the Greeks during the reign of 
Authari (Pabst, p. 409, note). 


we also touch briefly upon other provinces of Italy. 1 
The second province is called Liguria from gathering, 
that is, collecting leguminous plants with which it is well 
supplied. In this are Mediolanum (Milan) and Ticinum, 
which is called by another name, Papia (Pavia). It ex- 
tends to the boundaries of the Gauls. Between it and 
Suavia (Suabia), that is, the country of the Alamanni, 
which is situated toward the north, two provinces, 
namely, the first Retia (Rhaetia) and the second Retia 
are placed among the Alps in which, strictly speaking, 
the Reti (Rhaetians) are known to dwell. 


The Cottian Alps are called the fifth province, which 
were thus named from king Cottius, who lived at the 
time of Nero. This (province) extends from Liguria 
toward the southeast 2 to the Tyrrhenian sea; on the 
west indeed it is joined to the territories of the Gauls. 
In it are contained the cities of Aquis 3 (Acqui) where 
there are hot springs, Dertona (Tortona), the monas- 
tery of Bobium (Bobbio), Genua (Genoa), and Saona 
(Savona). The sixth province is Tuscia (Tuscany) 
which is thus called from " tus " (frankincense) which 
its people were wont to burn superstitiously in the sacri- 
fices to their gods. This includes Aurelia toward the 
northwest and Umbria on the eastern side. In this 
province Rome was situated, which was formerly the 

1 A full account of these provinces is found near the end of 
Appendix II. 

1 Read eurum in place of eorum. 
8 Or Aquae Statiellae. 

BOOK II. 73 

capital of the whole world. In Umbria indeed, which 
is counted a portion of it, are Perusium (Perugia) and 
lake Clitorius (Lago di Bolsena) and Spoletium 
(Spoleto), and it is called Umbria because it remained 
above the furious rains (imbres) when long ago a 
watery scourge devastated the nations. 


Campania, the seventh province, stretches from the 
city of Rome to the Siler (Sele), a river of Lucania. 
In it the very rich cities of Capua, Neapolis (Naples) 
and Salernus (Salerno) are situated. It is called Cam- 
pania on account of the very fertile plain (campus) of 
Capua, but it is for the most part mountainous. Next 
the eighth province, Lucania, which received its name 
from a certain grove (lucus), begins at the river Siler 
and extends with Brittia (Bruttium 1 ), which was thus 
called from the name of its former queen, along the 
coast of the Tyrrhenian sea like the two last named 
provinces, as far as the Sicilian strait, and it embraces 
the right horn of Italy. In it are placed the cities of 
Pestus (Paestum), Lainus (Lao), Cassianum (Cassano), 
Consentia (Cosenza), and Regium (Reggio). 


Then the ninth province is reckoned in the Apen- 
nine Alps 2 which take their origin from the place where 

1 Now Calabria. 

* This province described by Paul is wholly imaginary. The 
others are substantially accurate. See Appendix II near the end. 


the Cottian Alps terminate. These Apennine Alps, 
stretching through the middle of Italy, separate Tuscia 
(Tuscany) from Emilia and Umbria from Flamminia. 
Here are the cities of Ferronianus (Frignano) and 
Montembellium (Monteveglio), Bobium (Bobbio) and 
Urbinum (Urbino), and also the town which is called 
Verona. 1 The Apennine Alps were named from the 
Carthaginians (Poeni) that is, from Hannibal and his 
army who had a passage through them when marching 
upon Rome. 2 There are some who say that the Cottian 
and Apennine Alps are one province, but the history 
of Victor 3 which called the Cottian Alps a province by 
itself refutes them. The tenth province Emilia, begin- 
ning from Liguria extends towards Ravenna between the 
Apennine Alps and the waters of the Padus (Po). It 
is adorned with wealthy cities, to wit, Placentia (Pia- 
cenza), Parma, Regium (Reggio), 4 Bononia (Bologna), 
and the Forum of Cornelius, the fortress of which is 
called Imolas (Imola). There were also some who 
called Emilia and Valeria and Nursia one province, but 
the opinion of these cannot stand because Tuscia and 
Umbria are situated between Emilia and Valeria and 

1 Paul elsewhere shows that Frignano and Monteveglio were 
actually in Emilia, Bobbio in the Cottian Alps and Verona in 
Venetia (Mommsen, 87). 

* It will be observed that most of Paul's derivations, though 
taken from earlier authorities, are highly fanciful. 

3 Life of Nero by Sextus Aurelius Victor. 

4 This was the ancient Regium Lepidi now Reggio d' Emilia, to 
distinguish it from Reggio in Calabria. 

BOOK II. 75 


The eleventh of the provinces is Flamminia, which 
lies between the Apennine Alps and the Adriatic 
sea. In it are situated Ravenna, the most noble of 
cities, and five other towns which are called by a Greek 
name, the Pentapolis. 1 Now it is agreed that Aurelia, 
Emilia and Flamminia are called by these names from 
the paved roads which come from the city of Rome and 
from the names of those by whom they were paved. 
After Flamminia comes the twelfth province, Picenus, 
having upon the south the Apennine mountains and on 
the other side the Adriatic sea. It extends to the river 
Piscaria. 2 In it are the cities of Firmus (Fermo), As- 
culus (Ascoli), Pinnis (Penne), and Hadria, already 
fallen to ruin with old age, which has given its name to 
the Adriatic sea. When the inhabitants of this district 
hastened thither from the Sabines, a griffin (picus) sat 
upon their banner and from this cause it took the name 


Valeria, the thirteenth province, to which Nursia is 
attached, is situated between Umbria and Campania and 
Picenus, and it touches on the east the region of the 
Samnites. Its western part, which takes its beginning 
from the city of Rome, was formerly called Etruria 
from the Etruscan people. It contains the cities of 

five cities are Rimini, Ancona, Fano, Pesaro and Sini- 

2 Mommsen (92) considers that this boundary is incorrect. 


Tibur (Tivoli), Carsioli and Reate (Rieti), Furcona 
(Aquila), Amiternum (San Vettorino) and the region 
of the Marsians and their lake which is called Fucinus 
(Celano). I think that the territory of the Marsians 
should be reckoned within the province of Valeria, 
because it is not at all described by the ancients in the 
catalogue of the provinces of Italy, but if any one 
may prove by correct reasoning that this is a pro- 
vince by itself, his sensible opinion by all means should 
be accepted. The fourteenth province, Samnium, be- 
ginning from the Piscaria, lies between Campania, the 
Adriatic Sea and Apulia. In it are the cities of Theate 
(Chieti), Aufidena, Hisernia and Samnium, fallen to 
ruin by old age, from which the whole province is 
named, and that most wealthy Beneventum (Benevento) 
the capital of these provinces. Furthermore, the Sam- 
nites received their name formerly from the spears 
which they were wont to carry and which the Greeks 
called " saynia." ' 


The fifteenth of the provinces is Apulia, and united 
with it is Calabria. 9 In it is the Salentine territory. 
This has Samnium and Lucania on the west and south- 
west, but on the east it is bounded by the Adriatic Sea. 
It contains the tolerably rich cities of Luceria (Lucera), 
Sepontum (Siponto), Canusium (Canosa), Agerentia 

1 Sdwm, more properly a javelin. 

* Not the present Calabria but the southeastern extremity of the 
Adriatic shore of Italy. 

BOOK II. 77 

(Acerenza?), Brundisium (Brindisi), Tarentum (Tar- 
anto) and in the left horn of Italy which extends fifty 
miles, Ydrontum (Otranto), well adapted to commerce. 1 
Apulia is named from " destruction," 2 for more quickly 
there (than elsewhere) does the herbage of the land 
perish in the heat of the sun. 


The island of Sicily is reckoned the sixteenth pro- 
vince. This is washed by the Tyrrhenian sea and by 
the Ionian, and is so called from the proper name of the 
leader Siculus. Corsica is put down as the seventeenth, 
Sardinia as the eighteenth province. Both of these are 
girt by the waves of the Tyrrhenian sea. Corsica is 
named from the leader Corsus; Sardinia from Sardis 
(Serdis?) the son of Hercules. 


It is certain, moreover, 3 that the old writers of history 
called Liguria and part of Venetia, as well as Emilia 
and Flamminia, Cisalpine Gaul. Hence it is that Don- 
atus, the grammarian, in his explanation of Virgil, says 
that Mantua is in Gaul. Hence it is that we read in 
Roman history that Ariminum (Rimini) is situated in 
Gaul. Indeed, in the most ancient period, Brennus, 
king of the Gauls, who reigned at the city of Senonae 

1 Mercimoniis. See DuCange. 

2 'AiruAria from airoMivni to destroy. 

3 Tamen but here used in a copulative and not an adversative 
senie. See Crivellucci Studii Storici, 1899, p. 259. 


(Sens), came with 300,000 Senonian Gauls to Italy and 
occupied it as far as Senogallia (Sinigaglia), which is 
named from the Senonian Gauls. And the reason why 
the Gauls came to Italy is represented to have been 
this: When they tasted the wine brought from that 
country, they were enticed by greed for this wine and 
passed over into Italy. While a hundred thousand of 
these were hastening along not far from the island 
of Delphi, they were killed by the swords of the Greeks. 
Another hundred thousand, having entered Galatia, 1 
were first called Gallogreci, but afterwards Galatians, 
and these are those to whom Paul, the teacher of the 
heathen, wrote his epistle. Also a hundred thousand of 
the Gauls who remained in Italy built Ticinum (Pavia), 
Mediolanum (Milan), Pergamus (Bergamo) and Brixia 
(Brescia), and gave to the region the name of Cisalpine 
Gaul, and they are the Senonian Gauls who formerly in- 
vaded the city of Romulus. For as we call what is 
beyond the Alps, Transalpine Gaul, so we name what is 
within the Alps on this side, Cisalpine Gaul. 


Italy then, which contains these provinces received its 
name from Italus, the leader of the Siculi, who took 
possession of it in ancient times. Or it is denominated 
Italy on this account, because large oxen, that is, " itali," 
are found in it ; and the name comes from this, that by 
abbreviation "vitulus" (a calf) is " italus," one letter 
being added and another changed. Italy is also called 

1 In Asia Minor. 

BOOK II. 79 

Ausonia from Ausonus, son of Ulysses. Originally 
indeed^ the region of Beneventum was called by this 
name but afterwards all Italy began to be called so. 
Italy is also called Latium on this account, because 
Saturn fleeing from Jupiter his son found a hiding place 
(latebra) within it. Since enough then has been said 
concerning the provinces and name of Italy, the events 
within which we are narrating, let us now return to the 
regular order of our history. 


Alboin then, came into Liguria at the beginning of the 
third indiction ' on the third day before the nones 2 of 
September, and entered Mediolanum during the times 
of the archbishop Honoratus. Then he took all the 
cities of Liguria except those which were situated upon 
the shores of the sea. The archbishop Honoratus in- 
deed, deserting Mediolanum, fled to the city of Genoa. 
The patriarch Paul 3 too, after administering his priestly 
office for twelve years, departed from this life and left 
the church to be managed by Probinus. 

>A. D. 569, see Bk. II, ch. VII, note. 

1 The nones was the gih day before the ides, both days being 
included, and the ides fell upon the 1 5th of March, May, July and 
October and upon the 1 3th of the remaining months. The nones 
therefore fell upon the yth of March, May, July and October 
and upon the 5th of other months. The 3rd day before the nones 
of September, reckoned backward from the 5th and including 
both days, would therefore be the 3rd of September, and this is 
the day given by Muratori in his Annals, Vol. 3, p. 479. 

1 Of Aquileia. 



The city of Ticinum (Pavia) at this time held out 
bravely, withstanding a siege more than three years, 
while the army of the Langobards remained close at 
hand on the western side. Meanwhile Alboin, after 
driving out the soldiers, took possession of every- 
thing as far as Tuscany except Rome and Ravenna and 
some other fortified places which were situated on the 
shore of the sea. The Romans had then no courage to 
resist because the pestilence which occurred at the time 
of Narses had destroyed very many in Liguria and 
Venetia, and after the year of plenty of which we spoke, 
a great famine attacked and devastated all Italy. It is 
certain that Alboin then brought with him to Italy many 
men from various peoples which either other kings or 
he himself had taken. Whence, even until to-day, we 
call the villages in which they dwell Gepidan, Bulgar- 
ian, Sarmatian, Pannonian, Suabian, Norican, or by 
other names of this kind. 


The city of Ticinum indeed, after enduring the 
siege for three years and some months, at length sur- 
rendered to Alboin and to the Langobards besieging it. 
When Alboin entered it through the so-called gate of 
St. John from the eastern side of the city, his horse fell 
in the middle of the gateway, and could not be gotten 
up, although urged by kicks and afterwards struck by 
the blows of spears. Then one of those Langobards 
thus spoke to the king, saying: ''Remember sir king, 
what vow you have plighted. Break so grievous a vow 

BOOK II. 8l 

and you will enter the city, for truly there is a Christian 
people in this city." Alboin had vowed indeed that he 
would put all the people to the sword because they had 
been unwilling to surrender. After he broke this vow 
and promised mercy to the citizens, his horse straight- 
way rose and he entered the city and remained stead- 
fast in his promise, inflicting injury upon no one. Then 
all the people, gathering around him in the palace which 
king Theoderic had formerly built, began to feel re- 
lieved in mind, and after so many miseries were already 
confident in hope for the future. 


After this king had ruled in Italy three years and six 
months, he was slain by the treachery of his wife, 1 and 
the cause of his murder was this: While he sat in 
merriment at a banquet at Verona longer than was 
proper, with the cup which he had made of the head of 
his father-in-law, king Cunimund, he ordered it to be 
given to the queen to drink wine, and he invited her to 
drink merrily with her father. Lest this should seem 
impossible to any one, I speak the truth in Christ. I 
saw king Ratchis holding this cup in his hand on a cer- 
tain festal day to show it to his guests. Then Rose- 
mund, when she heard the thing, conceived in her heart 
deep anguish she could not restrain, and straightway 
she burned to revenge the death of her father by the 

Probably May 2$th or June 28th, A. D. 572, or possibly 573 
(Hodg., V, 168, 181; Roviglio, Sopra Alcuni Dati Cronologici di 
Storia Langobardica. Reggio-Emilia, 1899, pp. 21 to 27). 


murder of her husband, and presently she formed a plan 
with Helmechis who was the king's squire (scilpor) 
that is, his armor-bearer and his foster brother, to kill 
the king, and he persuaded the queen that she ought to 
admit to this plot Peredeo, who was a very strong man. 
As Peredeo would not give his consent to the queen 
when she advised so great a crime, she put herself at 
night in the bed of her dressing-maid with whom 
Peredeo was accustomed to have intercourse, and then 
Peredeo, coming in ignorance, lay with the queen. And 
when the wicked act was already accomplished and she 
asked him whom he thought her to be, and he named 
the name of his mistress that he thought she was, the 
queen added : " It is in no way as you think, but I am 
Rosemund," she says, " and surely now you have perpe- 
trated such a deed, Peredeo, that either you must kill Al- 
boin or he will slay you with his sword." Then he learned 
the evil thing he had done, and he who had been un- 
willing of his own accord, assented, when forced in such 
a way, to the murder of the king. Then Rosemund, 
while Alboin had given himself up to a noon-day sleep, 
ordered that there should be a great silence in the 
palace, and taking away all other arms, she bound his 
sword tightly to the head of the bed so it could not be 
taken away or unsheathed, and according to the advice 
of Peredeo, she, more cruel than any beast, let in Hel- 
mechis the murderer. 1 Alboin suddenly aroused from 

1 This reading of Paul seems to reverse the parts, making Pere- 
deo the adviser and Helmechis the actual murderer, and seems to 
indicate that Paul has misunderstood his authorities or confused 
them. The names are transposed in some of the manuscripts to 

BOOK II. 83 

sleep perceived the evil which threatened and reached 
his hand quickly for his sword, which, being tightly 
tied, he could not draw, yet he seized a foot-stool and 
defended himself with it for some time. But unfortun- 
ately alas ! this most warlike and very brave man being 
helpless against his enemy, was slain as if he were one 
of no account, and he who was most famous in war 
through the overthrow of so many enemies, perished 
by the scheme of one little woman. His body was 
buried with the great grief and lamentations of the 
Langobards under the steps of a certain flight of stairs 
which was ne^t to the palace. He was tall in stature 
and well fitted in his whole body for waging wars. In 
our own days Giselpert, who had been duke of Verona, 
opened his grave and took away his sword and any 
other of his ornaments found there. And for this 
reason he boasted with his accustomed vanity among 
ignorant men that he had seen Alboin. 1 

bring the sentence into harmony with what precedes. Agnellus 
ignores Peredeo altogether and assigns the whole responsibility for 
the murder to Helmechis, instigated by Rosemund (Hodgkin, V, 
170). But after deducting what is undoubtedly legendary we have 
statements from contemporary sources essentially harmonious. 
The Annals of Ravenna (Exc. Sang. Agnell., ch. 96) says, "Al- 
boin was killed by his followers in his palace by command of his 
wife Rosemund." John Biclaro: "Alboin is killed at night at 
Verona by his followers by the doing of his wife. ' ' Marius: ' ' Al- 
boin was killed by his followers, that is by Hilmaegis with the rest, 
his wife agreeing to it." The Copenhagen Continuer of Prosper: 
" Alboin was killed at Verona by the treachery of his wife Rose- 
mund, the daughter of king Conimund, Elmigisilus aiding her" 
(Schmidt, p. 72). 

1 Hodgkin (V, 175) notices a reference to Alboin in the so-called 



Helmechis then, upon the death of Alboin, attempted 
to usurp his kingdom, but he could not at all do this, 
because the Langobards, grieving greatly for the king's 
death, strove to make way with him. And straightway 
Rosemund sent word to Longinus, prefect of Ravenna, 
that he should quickly send a ship J to fetch them. 
Longinus, delighted by such a message, speedily sent a 
ship in which Helmechis with Rosemund his wife em- 
barked, fleeing at night. They took with them Albsu- 
inda, the daughter of the king, and all the treasure of 
the Langobards, and came swiftly to Ravenna. 2 Then 

Traveler's song or Widsith which was composed probably about 
the middle of the sixth century. Lines 139 to 147 say, "So was 
I in Eatule with Ealfwin, son of Eadwin, who of all mankind had to 
my thinking the lightest hand to win love, the most generous heart 
in the distribution of rings and bright bracelets. ' ' It seems pro- 
bable that Eatule means Italy ; Ealfwin, Alboin ; Eadwin, Audoin. 

1 Probably to some point on the Po not far from Verona (Hodg. , 
V, 172, note i). 

*As to Rosemund' s flight to Longinus, the Ravenna Annals 
(Agnello, ch. 96) show that Rosemund with a multitude of Gepidae 
and Langobards came to Ravenna in the month of August with 
all the royal treasure and was honorably received by Longinus the 
prefect. Marius says that Helmegis, with his wife and all the 
treasure and a part of the army, surrendered to the republic at 
Ravenna. John Biclaro says: that Alboin' s treasure with the 
queen came into the power of the republic and the Langobards 
remained without king and treasure. The Copenhagen Continuer 
of Prosper (p. 34) says she attempted to unite Helmigis to her- 
self in marriage and in the kingdom, but when she perceived that 
her treacherous usurpation displeased the Langobards, she fled 
with the royal treasure and her husband to Ravenna (Schmidt, 73). 

BOOK. II. 85 

the prefect Longinus began to urge Rosemund to kill 
Helmechis and to join him in wedlock. As she was 
ready for every kind of wickedness and as she de- 
sired to become mistress of the people of Ravenna, she 
gave her consent to the accomplishment of this great 
crime, and while Helmechis was bathing himself, she 
offered him, as he came out of the bath, a cup of poison 
which she said was for his health. But when he felt 
that he had drunk the cup of death, he compelled Rose- 
mund, having drawn his sword upon her, to drink what 
was left, and thus these most wicked murderers perished 
at one moment by the judgment of God Almighty. 


When they had thus been killed, the prefect Longi- 
nus sent Albsuinda with the treasures of the Langobards 
to Constantinople to the emperor. Some affirm that 
Peredeo also came to Ravenna in like manner with 
Helmechis and Rosemund, and was thence sent with 
Albsuinda to Constantinople, and there in a public show 
before the emperor killed a lion of astonishing size and, 
as they say, by command of the emperor, his eyes were 
torn out lest he should attempt anything in the imperial 
city because he was a strong man. After some time he 
prepared for himself two small knives, hid one in each 
of his sleeves, went to the palace and promised to say 
something serviceable to the emperor if he were admit- 
ted to him. The emperor sent him two patricians, 
familiars of the palace, to receive his words. When 
they came to Peredeo, he approached them quite 
closely as if about to tell them something unusually 


secret, and he wounded both of them severely with the 
weapons he held concealed in each hand so that immedi- 
ately they fell to the ground and expired. And thus 
in no way unlike the mighty Sampson, he avenged his 
injuries, and for the loss of his two eyes he killed two 
men most useful to the emperor. 


All the Langobards in Italy by common consent in- 
stalled as their king in the city of Ticinum, Cleph, a very 
noble man among them. 1 Of many powerful men of 
the Romans some he destroyed by the sword and 
others he drove from Italy. When he had held the 
sovereignty with Masane, his wife one year and six 
months, he was slain with the sword by a servant of his 
train. 2 


After his death the Langobards had no king for ten 
years 3 but were under dukes, 4 and each one of the 

1 " Of the race of Beleo " says the Origo. Marius of Avenches 
(Chron., 573, Roncalli, p. 413, see Pabst, 415, note 5) says he 
had been one of the dukes. 

2 The precise dates are uncertain. Marius of Avenches says he 
was elected in the sixth indiction and slain in the seventh, hence 
both events took place between Sept. ist, 572, and Sept. ist, 574 
(Roviglio, Sopra Alcuni Dati Cronologici, p. 28). 

* The Origo Gentis Langobardorum, the Chronicon Gothanum, 
Fredegarius and the Copenhagen Continuer of Prosper all give 
twelve years as the period of this interregnum. A computation of 
the preceding and subsequent reigns appears to sustain Paul's 
statement (Roviglio, id., pp. 29-31) which, however, is not free 
from doubt. 

* Duces. It is not certain what was the Langobard name for 

BOOK II. 87 

dukes held possession of his own city, Zaban of Ticinum 
(Pavia), Wallari of Bergamus (Bergamo), Alichis of 
Brexia (Brescia), Euin of Tridentum (Trent), 1 Gisulf 
of Forum Julii (Cividale). 2 But there were thirty other 
dukes besides these in their own cities.3 In these 

these rulers. Some suggest (Hodgkin, V, 183, 184) Heretoga 
(the present German Herzog). The prefix and suffix art' which 
occurs frequently in Langobard names (e. g., Aripert, Arioald, 
Rothari) may have some connection with this dignity. The Latin 
word dux was appropriately applied, as it meant both a leader in 
the field and a commander of frontier troops and of a frontier dis- 
trict (Hartmann, II, I, 40). Schmidt (p. 78) insists that the 
division of Italy into dukedoms was nothing else than the ancient 
Langobard division of their territory into cantons, only these were 
now connected with the former city territories of the Romans. 

1 Duke Euin (569-595) followed by Gaidoald in the latter year, 
and Alahis about 680 and 690, are the only three dukes of Trent 
mentioned in Paul's history (Hodg., VI, 23). The duchy of 
Trent probably ascended by the Central Valley of the Adige as 
far northward as the Mansio of Etina, the modern town of Neu- 
markt, and southward to a point near the present Austro-Italian 
frontier where the mountains begin to slope down to the Lom- 
bard plain (Hodg., VI, 26). 

*The dukes of Friuli were Gisulf (living in 575), Grasulf II, 
Taso, Cacco, Ago, Lupus (about 662), Wechtari (between 662 and 
671), Landari, Rodoald, Ansfrit (between 688 and 700), Ferdulf, 
Corvulus, Pemmo, Anselm, Peter and Ratgaud or Hrodgaud 
(775 t 776) (Hodg., VI, 36). 

8 Pabst (437) gives the list of probable cities referred to: 
Friuli Parma Cremona 

Ceneda Piacenza Como 

Treviso Modena Lodi 

Vicenza Brescello Vercelli 

Verona Asti Tortona 


days many of the noble Romans were killed from 

Trent Ivrea Alba Pompeia 

Brescia Turin Acqui 

Bergamo Mantua Lucca 

Novara Altino Chiusi 

MUan Mariana Perugia 

Pavia Feltre Benevento 

Reggio Belluno Spoleto (see p. 439). 

This makes thirty-six cities instead of the thirty-five, and prob- 
ably Pabst included one or more not yet occupied by the Lango- 
bards (Hodgkin, V, 1 88). Pabst also gives a very complete ac- 
count of this office of duke. At first it was not hereditary (p. 414- 
415) but was held for life (p. 432). Dukes were not selected on 
account of their noble birth (though nobles were frequently found 
among them), but on account of their military and administrative 
ability. The duke was not chosen by the people but appointed 
by the king (p. 414). During the interregnum of ten years when 
the dukes governed different portions of the country, there 
was a great increase of the ducal power. It became evident, 
however, that the government could not continue thus sub-divided. 
The kingly power was restored but in the meantime some of the 
dukedoms, particularly Benevento and Spoleto, and in a measure 
Friuli had become so powerful that they were never again wholly 
subjected to the king. The succession in Benevento and Spoleto 
became hereditary, and even in Friuli the rights of the ruling 
family were respected (Paul, IV, 39; Pabst, 432). The duke's 
jurisdiction extended, not simply over a particular city, but over 
the adjoining district or province (pp. 434-435). In determining 
the limits of this district the ancient boundaries were generally 
observed (435). The first definite statement of the powers of the 
duke is found in the laws of Rothari about the middle of the 7th 
century. He had supreme military, judicial and police jurisdic- 
tion in his district (439, 440). His control of the financial admin- 
istration was not so complete (440). At his side, at least in the 
northern dukedoms, stood the counts and gastaldi who were the 
immediate representatives of the king. The counts are named 

BOOK II. 89 

love of gain, and the remainder were divided among 

next after the dukes (441), though their jurisdiction nowhere (442) 
appears, and Pabst considers that the name is a mere honorary 
title for a particular gastaldus (or gastaldius). This latter word is 
derived, in his opinion, from the Gothic gastaldan, to possess, ac- 
quire. A better derivation would seem to be from gast and 
aldius, the ' ' guest of the half-free ' ' who settled as a lord on 
the property of the conquered Italians, and compelled them to 
serve him and give him a portion of the proceeds of their lands. 
The gastaldi would then be the lords or administrators of these 
Italian domains (Bruckner, 205). When the dukes re-established 
the kingly power (P. Ill, 16) they gave up one-half of their for- 
tunes for royal uses. Paul tells us that at this time the oppressed 
people were parcelled out among their Langobard guests, and it is 
probable that the gastaldi (whose name would appear to refer to 
such apportionment) were first appointed at that time. In each 
civitas or city with its adjacent territory there appears to have been 
a gastaldus whose duty it was to look after the royal inter- 
ests, and especially, the royal domains (p. 443). He received 
the king's share of inheritances when heirs were lacking and 
gradually came into possession of most of the financial adminis- 
tration (444). Dukes, counts, 2>.n& gastaldi, are all designated by 
the common name of "judges" (447-448), and certain police 
authority is also given them for example, to remove lepers (449), 
to arrest fugitives, etc. A peculiar provision of Rothari's Edict 
(23) is, that if a duke shall unjustly injure his soldier ft\z gastaldus 
shall aid the latter and (24), if the gastaldus shall unjustly injure 
his soldier, the duke shall protect the injured man (443, note 3). 
Quite different is the position of the gastaldi of Benevento and 
Spoleto where the dukes were practically sovereign (470). We 
see at the courts of these dukes the same officials as at the royal 
court, the cubicularius or chamberlain, the stolesaz, or treasurer, 
etc. (472). 

We find many royal expedients to limit the ducal power. Ter- 
ritory reconquered from the Greek empire or from rebellious 
dukes became the property of the sovereign (463), and gastaldi 


their " guests " and made tributaries, that they should pay 

rather than dukes were appointed to administer it. When Liut- 
prand endeavored to strengthen the royal power, he took advan- 
tage in Friuli of a contest between Bishop Calixtus and Duke 
Pemmo and deprived Pemmo of the dukedom, but appointed 
Pemmo's eldest son Ratchis in his place (see P., VI, 51). Liut- 
prand also deposed and appointed dukes for Spoleto and Bene- 
vento, and set aside for a time the hereditary succession, but he 
did not permanently reduce these duchies to subjection. 

In the other parts of the kingdom, immediately subject to him, 
however (which were called Austria, Neustria and Tuscia), he ap- 
pointed gastaldi in the cities where there had been dukes, and 
greatly strengthened his own power by increasing the powers and 
responsibilities of the gastaldi. In his edicts he does not use the 
word "duke" at all, but continually uses the word "judge" in 
place of it, which latter term includes both dukes and gastaldi, and 
the two are now no longer found side by side in a single jurisdic- 
tion. Pabst (482-483) has given a list of the cities which, under 
Liutprand, were ruled by dukes and of those which were ruled 
by gastaldi. The list is incomplete, and perhaps in part incor- 
rect, yet it shows in a general way the extent of the separation of 
the two offices. 

There were also subordinate officials. Among these were the 
adores, who were the king's agents in administering particular 
royal domains, and under the judges the sculdahis, or local magis- 
trates, and the centenarii and locopositi, probably of similar 
grade (500, see Hartmann, II, 2, 39). In an ordinary judi- 
cial proceeding the complainant betook him in the first place to 
the sculdahis, the local civil magistrate. If the case were so im- 
portant that the sculdahis could not decide it, he had to send the 
parties to the judge (i. e., the duke ofgastaUus) (Pabst, 485), but 
if it were beyond the jurisdiction of the latter, the parties had to ap- 
pear in the king's court. If the judge could not act personally he 
could appoint a deputy (missus) to act for him in individual cases. 
The party defeated in a legal proceeding had the right to complain 
to a higher jurisdiction of the decision or the conduct of the magis- 

BOOK ir. 91 

the third part of their products to the Langobards. 1 By 

trate who decided against him (Hartmann, II, 2, 41), and if it were 
found that the judge had failed in his duties he was punished (at 
least until the time of king Ratchis), not by dismissal, but by a 
fine (Pabst, 487). In their powers, duties and responsibilities 
dukes and gastaldi at last appear to be quite alike, and while a 
larger domain generally appears annexed to the office of duke, 
the gastaldi usually have the administration of the royal estates 
(489). Possibly the king could change the gastaldi more quickly 
than the dukes whose term of office lasted for life, but this appears 
to be the only point in which the duke had the advantage. These 
arrangements suffered little change during the latter days of the 

1 There is much controversy as to the meaning of this sentence, 
Does the ' ' remainder ' ' who were divided, refer to all the Romans, 
or merely to the nobles who were -not killed ? Hodgkin (VI, 581) 
believes it refers to the rest of the Roman inhabitants. Villari 
(Le Invasion! Barbariche, II, 32) insists that it refers grammat- 
ically to the nobles only, and asks how it would have been pos- 
sible to render tributary all the Romans, thus obliging those who 
possessed nothing to pay one-third of the fruits of the earth ? It 
would seem that it must be limited at least to the Roman landed 
proprietors who might well at this time have been roughly desig- 
nated as nobles in this connection. 

The word ' ' guest ' ' (hospes) expressed a relation that could 
exist only between the Langobard and the Roman proprietor. 
That of ' ' patron ' ' existed toward the peasants and cultivators of 
the lands (Villari, pp. 272, 273). The relation of "guests" also 
existed elsewhere between Burgundians and conquered Romans. 
The Roman whose land was assigned to a Burgundian was called 
hospes and vice versa. The land thus assigned was called sors, 
and the right to it hospitalitas (Savigny, Geschichte des Romischen 
Rechts im Mittelalter, I, p. 298). 

The whole free Roman population was treated by the Lango- 
bards quite differently from the manner in which they had been 
treated by Theodoric and the Ostrogoths, who simply took one- 


these dukes of the Langobards in the seventh year from 

third of their land and left them as independent as before. The 
Langobards took one-third, not of the land, but of its products, 
and there is much dispute as to the status in which they held the 
Roman population. Although Villari (Le Invasion! Barbariche, 
pp. 265, 266, 271-272) and others deny that this population was 
reduced to slavery, the better opinion seems to be that during the 
wars of conquest and the earlier period of Langobard domination, 
the Romans were regarded as conquered enemies destitute of all 
rights (Hartmann, II, 2, 2 ; see, also, Hegel, Stadteverfassung 
von Italien, ch. Ill, p. 355, and authorities there cited,) and 
that they very generally became aldii or serfs of the Lango- 
bards just as other subject-peoples had been during the 
previous wanderings of that nation. Aldius first meant 
"man," then "common man," then the "half free" man, 
bound to the soil (Hartmann, II, i, 8). Rothari's Edict, though 
it scarcely mentions the Romans as such, contains many enact- 
ments concerning the aldius, who apparently did not differ greatly 
from the Roman colonus who cultivated the ground for his master 
and could not change his condition or his home, but could not 
have his rent raised arbitrarily, nor be sold as a slave apart 
from the land. We are not expressly told in the Edict that 
the Romans were aldii but this seems implied. The fine for kill- 
ing or crippling an aldius was payable to his master, probably to 
indemnify him for the loss of a valuable farm laborer. The con- 
dition of the workmen in the cities however is more doubtful and 
also the condition of the Romans of the higher class, if any, who 
survived (Hodgkin, VI, 586-592). 

The third exacted by the Langobards may have been one-third of 
the gross product of the land, which would be more than half the 
net product and would leave a slender margin for the cultivator 
and his family (Hodgkin, VI, 582). This was the view originally 
taken by Savigny (Geschichte des Romischen Rechts, I, ch. V, 
p. 400), but he afterwards changed his opinion and considered 
that the tribute was one-third of the net produce of the land (see 
Hegel, Stiidteverfassung von Italien, I, ch. 3, p. 356, note). 

BOOK II. 93 

the coming of Alboin x and of his whole people, the 
churches were despoiled, the priests killed, the cities 
overthrown, the people who had grown up like crops 
annihilated, and besides those regions which Alboin had 
taken, the greater part of Italy was seized and subju- 
gated by the Langobards. 

The Langobards were thus exempted from agricultural labor and 
as absentee landlords, could live in the cities or at the court on 
the tribute thus paid by their ' ' hosts. ' ' This idleness on the one 
side and servitude upon the other exercised a demoralizing influ- 
ence, and the Langobard system was much more injurious than 
the actual division of land under Theodoric and Odoacar where 
the substantial liberty of the Romans might still be preserved. 

Hartmann (II, i, 41, 42) believes that the payment of one- 
third the produce of the land was a mere temporary arrangement 
while Alboin and the Langobards were acquiring possession of the 
country, and that afterwards, when they were permanently settled 
in the country, the Langobards took the places of the former pro- 
prietors and received all the profits of their estates. There seems 
no good reason to think, however, that such complete expropria- 
tion was universal. 

1 Paul scarcely means that all this occurred in the seventh year 
alone but during the seven years of Langobard occupation. This 
was the statement of Gregory of Tours whom Paul followed 
(IV, 41), see Jacobi, 34. 



Some of the dukes of the Langobards then, with a 
strong army invaded Gaul. 1 Hospitius, a man of God, 
who had been cloistered at Nicea (Nice), foresaw their 
invasion a long while beforehand, by revelation of the 
Holy Spirit, and predicted to the citizens of that city what 
calamities were impending. For he was a man of the 
greatest abstinence and of praiseworthy life, who, bound 
by iron chains upon his flesh and clad with goat's hair, 
used bread alone and a few dates for his food. But in the 
days of Lent he was nourished by the roots of Egyptian 
herbs which hermits use, the gift of some merchants. 
The Lord deemed it fitting that great and excellent 
things should be accomplished by him, which are written 
in the books of the reverend man Gregory, bishop of 
Tours. This holy man then, predicted the coming of 
the Langobards into Gaul in this manner : " The Lango- 
bards," he says, "will come into Gaul and will lay 
waste seven cities because their wickedness has waxed 
great in the sight of the Lord, for all the people are ad- 
dicted to perjuries, guilty of thefts, intent upon plunder, 

1 An invasion of Gaul, probably a mere foray, is mentioned by 
Marius of Avenches as having occurred in 569, immediately after 
Alboin's invasion of Italy. It was evidently a failure, for it was 
stated that many Langobard captives were sold into slavery 
(Pabst, 410, note 2). The particular invasion mentioned in the 
text occurred not earlier than 570 (Hodgkin, V, 216). 


BOOK m. 95 

ready for murders ; the fruit of justice is not in them, 
tithes are not given, the poor man is not fed, the naked 
is not clothed, the stranger is not received in hospitality. 
Therefore is this blow about to come upon that peo- 
ple." Also advising his monks, he said : " Depart also 
from this place, taking away with you what you have, 
for behold, the nation I foretold is approaching." And 
when they said, " We will not abandon thee, most holy 
Father," he replied, " Fear not for me, it will come to 
pass that they will inflict injuries upon me, but they will 
not harm me to my death." 


And when the monks had departed, the army of the 
Langobards drew near. And while it was destroying all 
it found, it came to the place where the holy man was 
cloistered. He showed himself to them through the win- 
dow of a tower. But when they, going around the tower, 
sought an entrance through which they could pass in to 
him, and found none at all, two of them climbed 
upon the roof and uncovered it. And seeing him bound 
with chains and clad in goat's skin, they said : " He is a 
malefactor and has committed murder, therefore he is 
held bound in these fetters,'* and when they had called 
an interpreter they inquired from him what evil deed 
he had committed that he was bound in such pun- 
ishment, and he declared that he was a murderer and 
guilty of all crimes. Then one of them drew his sword 
to cut off his head, but straightway his right hand stiff- 
ened while suspended in the act of striking, nor could 
he draw it back. So he let go of the sword and 


dropped it upon the ground. His companions seeing 
these things raised a cry to heaven entreating the saint 
that he would graciously make known what they should 
do. And he indeed, having made the sign of salva- 
tion, restored the withered arm to health. And the 
Langobard who had been healed was converted to the 
faith of Christ and was straightway made a priest and 
then a monk, and remained in that same place up to the 
end of his life in the service of God. But when the 
blessed Hospitius had spoken the word of God to the 
Langobards, two dukes who heard him reverently, re- 
turned safe and sound to their own country, but cer- 
tain ones who had despised his words perished miser- 
ably in that same Provincial 


Then while the Langobards were devastating Gaul, 
Amatus, the patrician of Provincia, a subject of Gun- 
thram, king of the Franks, led an army against them, 
and when the battle began, he fled and was there 
killed. And the Langobards made so great a slaughter 
of the Burgundians that the number of the slain could 
not be reckoned, and enriched with incalculable booty 
they returned to Italy. 


When they had departed, Eunius, who was also called 
Mummulus, being summoned by the king, acquired the 

1 Provence, a district on the Mediterranean at the mouth of the 
Rhone, the first part of Gaul to become, and the last to remain a 
Roman province (Hodgkin, V, 200). 


honor of the patriciate, and when the Langobards again 
invaded Gaul 1 and came as far as Mustiascalmes (Mou- 
tiers), 2 which place lies near the city of Ebredunum 
(Embrun), Mummulus moved his army and set out 
thither with the Burgundians. And when the Lango- 
bards were surrounded by his army and trees were 
felled in their ways among the winding paths of the 
woods, he rushed upon them and killed many of them 
and captured some and sent them to Gunthram his 
king. 4 And the Langobards, when these things were 
done, returned to Italy. 


Afterwards the Saxons who had come with the Lan- 
gobards into Italy, broke into Gaul and established their 
camp within the territory of Regia, that is, at the villa 
Stablo (Establon), 5 dispersing themselves among the 
villas of the neighboring cities, seizing booty, taking off 
captives and laying all things waste. When Mummulus 
learned this, he attacked them with his army and killed 
many of them, and did not cease slaying them until 
night made an end, for he found men ignorant and 
understanding nothing of what had come upon them. 
But when morning came, the Saxons put their army in 

'By way of the Col de Genevre (Hodgkin, V, 217). 

1 In the department of the Basses Alpes. 

*Factis concisis See Du Cange, concisa. 

4 In this battle, Salonius, bishop of Embrun, and Sagittarius, 
bishop of Gap, two brothers, fought and slew many (Hodg., V, 

* Near Moutiers (Abel). 


order, preparing themselves bravely for war. but by 
means of messengers they made peace, presents were 
given to Mummulus, the captives and all the booty were 
abandoned, and they returned to Italy. 


After the Saxons had returned to Italy and had 
taken with them their wives and children and all their 
household goods, they planned to go back again to 
Gaul, in order that they might be received by king 
Sigispert and by his aid might return to their own 
country. For it is certain that these Saxons had come 
to Italy with their wives and children that they might 
dwell in it, yet as far as can be understood they were 
unwilling to be subject to the commands of the Lango- 
bards. But it was not permitted to them by the Lango- 
bards to live according to their own laws, 1 and there- 
fore they determined to go back to their own country. 
When they were about to enter Gaul they formed them- 
selves into two troops, and one troop indeed entered 
through the city of Nicea (Nice), but the other, 
through Ebredunum (Embrun), returning the same 
way they had gone the year before. Because it was the 
time of the harvests they collected and threshed grain 

1 This statement, which is accepted without question by most of 
the commentators, is discredited by Hartmann (II, i, 80), who re- 
marks that it is an addition made by Paul himself to the account 
of Gregory of Tours from whom he takes this part of his history, 
and that it comes from Paul's knowledge of the Langobard state in 
the eighth century which is quite unreliable for events occurring 
two centuries earlier. 


and ate it and gave it to their animals to eat. They 
plundered flocks, nor did they abstain from burnings, 
and when they had come to the river Rodanus (Rhone), 
which they had to cross to reach the kingdom of Sigis- 
pert, Mummulus met them with a powerful multitude. 
Then seeing him they feared greatly, and giving him 
many coins of gold for their release, they were per- 
mitted to cross the Rodanus. While they were pro- 
ceeding to king Sigispert they deceived many on the 
way in their dealing, selling bars of brass which were 
so colored, I know not how, that they imitated the ap- 
of proved and tested gold, 1 whence many were 
,d by this fraud and giving gold and receiving 
,, were made paupers. When they came at length 
king Sigispert, they were allowed to go back to the 
place from which they had first come. 


And when they had come to their own country they 
found it was held by Suavi (Suabians) and other peo- 
ples, as we have before related. 2 Bestirring themselves 
against these, they attempted to drive them out and de- 
stroy them. The Suavi however offered them a third 

1 Gregory of Tours (IV, 42) places this event at Arverni (Cler- 
mont), which seems out of the way for an army proceeding to 
Sigispert in Austrasia, whose capital was Metz, and Gregory says 
it was then spring-time, which is hard to reconcile with the state- 
ments about the threshed grain, unless indeed the Saxons wan- 
dered through Gaul until the following spring (Hodgkin, V, 192, 
note i). 

1 Book II, chapter 6. 


part of the region, saying: "We can live together and 
dwell in common without strife," and when they in no 
way acquiesced, the Suavi offered them a half and after- 
wards two parts, reserving only a third for themselves. 
And when they were unwilling, the Suavi offered with 
the land also all the flocks if only they would cease 
from war, but the Saxons, not content with this, sought 
a contest, and they had a strife among themselves be- 
forehand in what way they should divide the wives of 
the Suavi. But it did not turn out with them as they 
thought, for when battle was joined 20,000 of them 
were killed, but of the Suavi four hundred and eighty 
fell, and the rest obtained a victory. And six thousand 
of the Saxons who survived the war made a vow that 
they would cut neither beard nor hair until they 
avenged themselves upon their Suabian enemies. And 
again going into battle, they were grievously wasted and 
so they ceased from war. 


After these things three dukes of the Langobards, 
that is, Amo, Zaban, and Rodanus, invaded Gaul, 1 and 
Amo indeed, taking the way of Ebredunum (Embrun), 
approached as far as Machoavilla (Manosque) 2 which 
Mummulus had acquired by gift of the king, and there 
he fixed his tents. Zaban however, going down by way 

1 A. D. 575. Zaban had invaded the Swiss dominions of Gun- 
thram the year before but had been defeated and escaped to Italy 
(Hodgkin, V, 219). 

*On the river Druentia (Durance), (Abel) near Avignon (Hodg- 
kin, V, 221 ). 

Map to illustrate 
the campaigns of the 



Longitude East 6 from Greenwich 

[f. p. 100] 

BOOK III. 1 01 

of the city of Dea (Die), 1 came to Valentia 3 (Valence), 
while Rodanus approached the city of Gratianopolis 
(Grenoble). Amo indeed subdued the province of 
Arelate (Aries) with the cities which lie around, and 
coming up to Stony Field itself, which lies by the city 
of Massilia (Marseilles), he laid waste everything he 
could find, and laying seige to Aquae (Aix) 3 he re- 
ceived twenty-two pounds of silver 4 and departed from 
that place. Rodanus also and Zaban in like manner 
destroyed by fire and rapine the places to which they 
had come. When these things were reported to Mum- 
mulus the patrician, he came with a strong band and 
fought first with Rodanus who was besieging Gratiano- 
polis and killed many of his army, and compelled Roda- 
nus himself, wounded by a lance, to flee to the tops of 
the mountains, from whence, dashing through the wind- 
ing ways of the woods with five hundred men who had 
remained to him, he came to Zaban, who was then be- 
seiging the city of Valentia (Valence), and reported to 
him all the things that had been done. And when they 
had come to the city of Ebredunum, in like manner 
plundering everything, Mummulus came to meet them 
with a countless army, and when battle was joined he 
overcame them. Then Zaban and Rodanus making 
their way again to Italy came to Secusium (Susa), which 
city Sisinnius, then master of soldiers, was holding on 

1 In the department of Drome (Abel), on the Drome. 

*On the Rhone at the confluence of Isere (Hodgkin, V, 221). 

8 Aquae Sextiae near Marseilles. 

*Only 66 sterling, a small ransom (Hodgkin, V, 221, note 2). 


behalf of the emperor. The servant of Mummulus, 
coming to him, handed him a letter sent by Mummulus 
and said that the latter was quickly approaching. When 
they learned this, Zaban and Rodanus at once departed 
thence to their own homes. When Amo heard these 
things, having collected all his booty, he set out to re- 
turn to Italy, but being hindered by the snows, he 
abandoned the greater part of his booty and was able 
with difficulty to break through the Alpine path with 
his followers, and thus he came to his own country. 1 


In these days upon the approach of the Franks the 
fortress of Anagnis (Nano), 2 which was situated above 
Tridentum (Trent) within the boundary of Italy, sur- 
rendered to them. For this reason the count 3 of the 
Langobards from Lagaris (Lagerthal), Ragilo by name, 
came and plundered Anagnis. While he was returning 
with his booty he was slain with many of his followers 
in the field of Rotalian 4 by Chramnichis, the leader of 

1 These incursions seem to have been followed by an extension 
of the territory of king Gunthram to the Italian side of the Alps, 
including both Susa and Aosta. The Langobard invasions of 
Gaul were not renewed (Hodg., V, 223, 4). Mummulus after- 
wards rebelled against Gunthram and was slain (id., 224). 

2 In the Val. di Non. A. D. 577, see Muratori Annals, Vol. Ill, 
p. 498. Hartmann (II, I, 81) believes that this was a Byzantine 
(not Langobard) fortress when surrendered. 

3 As to the rank, powers, etc., of a count of the Langobards, 
see note to Book II, ch. 32. 

*The date of this invasion of the Franks is placed by Hodgkin 
at 575-584 (VI, 27; V, 227). The chronology is very doubtful, 

BOOK m. 103 

the Franks, who went to meet him. And this Chram- 
nichis shortly afterwards came and devastated Tri- 
dentum. 1 And Euin, duke of Tridentum, followed and 
killed him with his companions in the place which is 
called Salurnis (Salurn), and shook out of him all the 
booty he had taken, and when the Franks had been 
driven out he took again the whole territory of Tri- 


At this time Sigispert, king of the Franks, was killed 
by the treachery of Hilperic, his brother, with whom he 
had waged war, and Childepert his son, still a little 
boy, with Brunihilde his mother, took up the man- 
agement of his kingdom. 2 Euin, also, duke of the 

but it preceded the elevation of Authari to the throne (Hartmann, 
II, i, 81). The Rotalian field is the meadow plain at the conflu- 
ence of the Noce and the Adige. 

1 That is the land around Trent. It is not likely the city was 
taken (Hodgkin. VI, 28). 

2 See supra, II, 10. The Frankish kingdom was, after the death 
of Theudepert in 548 (see note to II, 2, supra), of his child Theu- 
debald in 555, and of Childepert in 558, again united under one 
monarch, Chlotochar I (Lothair), who ruled for three years over 
the whole kingdom and died in 561, whereupon it was divided 
among his four sons, one of whom, Charibert, died in 567, and the 
number of sovereigns was reduced to three. 

There were four great divisions of the monarchy : 

(1) Austrasia, assigned to Sigispert, which extended from 
Rheims across the Rhine an unknown distance into Germany. 

(2) Neustria, the portion of Chilperic or Hilperic, comprising 
the Netherlands, Picardy, Normandy and Maine. 

(3) Burgundy, the domain of Gunthram, embracing the region 


people of Tridentum, of whom we have spoken, took 

watered by the Rhone (except Provence), also Switzerland and 
some land in the center of Gaul. 

(4) Aquitaine, stretching from the Loire to the Pyrenees, which 
was split up and contended for by all (Hodgkin, V, 199, 203). 

Sigispert, the youngest and best of the three brothers, deter- 
mined to wed a princess of his own rank and married, in 566, 
Brunihilde, daughter of Athanagild, the Visigothic king of Spain, 
whom he seems to have loved with genuine affection. Chilperic, 
cruel, lustful, avaricious, "the Nero and Herod of the time," 
took to himself many mistresses, but at last determined to follow 
his brother' s example and sought the hand of Galswintha, another 
daughter of Athanagild, who reluctantly came from Spain to 
become his bride, and received as her ' ' morning gift ' ' Bordeaux 
and four other cities in southwestern Gaul. But Fredegundis, one 
of Childperic' s former concubines, a fiend incarnate, but incom- 
parable in her powers of fascination, recovered the king's affec- 
tions. Galswintha was strangled, and Chilperic married her rival. 
His brothers endeavored to cast out so wicked an offender, and it 
was determined that the " morning gift " of the murdered queen 
should be given to her sister Brunihilde in atonement for the crime 
(Hodgkin, V, 204-208). Chilperic refused, and Sigispert and Gun- 
thram sought to dethrone him. He was shut up in Tournay, and 
a large portion of his subjects determined to acclaim as their sov- 
ereign, Sigispert, who was raised on a shield and hailed as king 
by the army, but almost in the moment of his triumph, two serving- 
men rushed upon him and dealt him a mortal wound. The 
weapon, it was said, had been poisoned by Fredegundis. Sigis- 
pert' s son Childepert, a child of five years, was carried back to 
Metz, the capital of Austrasia, was accepted as his father's suc- 
cessor, and reigned for twenty-one years under the tutelage of the 
Austrasian nobles and of his mother Brunihilde, who now lived 
to avenge her husband's death. She sought to accomplish this 
by a marriage with Merovech, the son of Chilperic by a former 
wife. Merovech was afterwards suspected of conspiring against 
his father, and died, some say at his own desire, and others that 


as his wife the daughter of Garibald, king of the 

it was by order of Fredegundis. Chilperic's rule became detest- 
able, and in 584 he too was murdered by an unknown assassin, 
leaving a child three years old, Chlotochar, destined at a later 
time to reunite the Frankish dominions (Hodgkin, 208-214). 

The Langobard invasion of Italy (A. D. 568) occurred just after 
the murder of Galswintha (A. D. 567), and the subsequent forays 
into Gaul were made possible by the dissensions among the Frank- 
ish sovereigns. These invasions appear to be mere robber raids. 
Most of them occurred during the ten years' interregnum while the 
dukes were ruling the cities of Italy without a king, and the feud 
between the Franks and the Langobards which thus began, ripened 
into an indelible national instinct and prepared the way, after the 
lapse of two centuries, for the destruction of the kingdom of the 
Langobards by Charlemagne (Hodgkin, V, 198, 199). 

An interesting question arises whether there is any connection 
between the characters and scenes in this Frankish drama of 
intrigue and revenge, and the legend of Siegfried as developed in 
the Elder Edda, the Saga of the Volsungs and the Niebelungen 
Lied. The resemblance of some of the names of the heroes is 
very striking; that of Sigispert, for instance, to Siegfried or Sigurd, 
Gunthram to Gunther, Brunihilde to Brunhild. Gunther in the 
legend, as well as in the history, is king of Burgundy; Siegfried 
is treacherously slain; there is a bitter jealousy and feud between 
two rival queens, and in the Niebelungen Lied the character of 
Siegfried' s widow becomes transformed by his death, and she de- 
votes her life to avenge his assassination, and marries a foreign 
prince for the purpose. It is well known that certain historical 
characters were actually introduced into the legend. Etzel or 
Atli was Attila the Hun, and the Dietrich of Berne of the Niebel- 
ungen, was Theoderic the Great. Moreover, the setting of the 
legend recalls the times not only of the migration of the nations, 
but of the Merovingians, and it is this latter period which exer- 
cised the best influence upon the story. The kings are like the 



During these times, as was stated above, 1 Justin the 
younger ruled at Constantinople, a man given to every 
kind of avarice, a despiser of the poor, a despoiler of 
senators. So great was the madness of his cupidity that 
he ordered iron chests made in which to collect those 
talents of gold which he seized. They also say that he 

Merovingians, and their management of the state resembles that 
of the times of Gunthram and Sigispert (Scherer, Hist. German 
Lit., ch. 5). On the other hand, the parts are differently assigned. 
In the poem, Siegfried marries Kriemhild, not Brunhild, though 
according to the Icelandic version, it is the latter to whom his love 
was first pledged. The stories vary from the history in nearly all 
their details, and there may be reason for the belief that the Sieg- 
fried legend in some form was of earlier origin than the time of 
Sigispert. Still it can hardly be doubted that much of the color- 
ing, if not the principal incidents of the story, came from this dark 
period in the history of the Frankish monarchy, and there seems 
quite as much reason to identify Siegfried and Brunhild with the 
sovereigns of Austrasia as to consider them, as many do, the mere 
personifications of natural phenomena, the development of the 
season myth! 

Referring to the legend of buried treasure discovered by Gunth- 
ram (see chap. 34 infra], Hodgkin (V, 202) remarks: " Treasures 
buried in long departed days by kings of old, mysterious caves, 
reptile guides or reptile guardians are we not transported by this 
strange legend into the very atmosphere of the Niebelungen Lied ? 
And if the good king Gunthram passed for the fortunate finder of 
the Dragon-hoard, his brothers and their queens, by their wars, 
their reconciliations and their terrible avengings, must surely have 
suggested the main argument of that most tragical epic, the very 
name of one of whose heroines, Brunichildis, is identical with the 
name of the queen of Austrasia. ' ' 

'See Book II, Chap. 5. 


fell into the Pelagian heresy. 1 When he turned away 
the ear of his heart from the Divine commands he be- 
came mad, having lost the faculty of reason by the just 
judgment of God. Ke took Tiberius as his Caesar to 
govern his palace and his different provinces, a man just, 
useful, energetic, wise, benevolent, equitable in his 
judgments, brilliant in his victories, and what was more 
important than all these things, a most true Christian. 
From the treasures which Justin had collected he 
brought out many things for the use of the poor, and the 
empress Sophia often upbraided him that he would re- 
duce the state to poverty, saying, " What I have been 
collecting through many years you are scattering prodi- 
gally in a short time." But he said : " I trust to the 
Lord that money will not be lacking in our treasury 
so long as the poor receive charity and captives are 
ransomed. For this is the great treasure, since the Lord 
says, ' Lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven where 
neither moth nor rust doth corrupt and where thieves 
do not break through nor steal.' Therefore of these 
things which God has furnished us let us gather treasures 
in heaven, and God will deign to give us increase in this 
world." Then when Justin had reigned eleven years, 2 he 
ended at last the madness he had fallen into together 
with his life. During his time indeed were waged the 
wars which, as we before said in advance, were carried 

J That there was no original sin and that God's grace was not 
indispensable. So called from the monk Pelagius, by whom it was 
taught, who died about A. D. 420. 

' Almost thirteen years (Waitz). 


on by Narses the patrician against the Goths and the 
Franks. 1 In fine also, when Rome at the time of pope 
Benedict was suffering the privation of hunger, while 
the Langobards were destroying everything on every 
side, he 2 sent many thousand bushels of grain in ships 
straight from Egypt and relieved it by the effort of his 


When Justin was dead 3 Tiberius Constantine, the 
fiftieth of the Roman emperors, assumed the sover- 
eignty. While he was still Caesar under Justin as we 
said above, and was managing the palace and perform- 
ing many acts of charity every day, God furnished him 
a great abundance of gold. For while walking through 
the palace he saw on the pavement of the house a 
marble slab on which the cross of our Lord was carved, 
and he said: "We ought to adorn our forehead and 
our breast with our Lord's cross and behold we trample 
it under our feet," and this said, he quickly ordered the 
slab to be lifted up. And underneath the slab when it 
was dug out and set up, they found another having the 
same device. And he ordered this also to be raised, 
and when it was moved they found also a third, and when 
this too was taken away by his command, they found a 
great treasure, containing more than a thousand cente- 

1 Incorrect; these wars were waged under Justinian (II, i et seq. 
supra ; Waitz), although it was to Justin that the complaints were 
afterwards made of Narses' administration. 

4 That is, Justin (see Muratori Annals, A. D. 578, vol. 3, p. 501). 
He died October 5, 578 (Hodgkin, V, 197). 

BOOK III. 109 

naria ' of gold, and the gold was carried away and distrib- 
uted among the poor yet more abundantly than had been 
customary. Also Narses the patrician of Italy, since he 
had a great dwelling in a certain city of Italy, came to 
the above-mentioned city with many treasures, and there 
in his dwelling he secretly dug a great cistern in which 
he deposited many thousand centenaria of gold and 
silver. And when all who knew of the matter had been 
killed, he entrusted these to the care of one old man 
only, exacting from him an oath. And when Narses 
had died, the above-mentioned old man, coming to 
Caesar Tiberius, said, " If it profit me anything, I will 
tell you, Caesar, an important thing." The latter said 
to him, " Say what you will. It will be of advantage 
to you if you shall tell anything which will profit us." 
" I have," he said, " the treasure of Narses hidden away, 
which I, being near the end of my life, cannot longer 
conceal." Then Caesar Tiberius was delighted and sent 
his servants up to the place, and the old man went ahead 2 
and they followed in astonishment, and coming to the cis- 
tern, when it was opened they entered it. So much gold 
and silver was found in it that it could with difficulty be 
emptied in many days by those carrying its contents. 
Almost all of this he bestowed upon the needy in bounti- 
ful distribution according to his custom. When he was 
about to accept the imperial crown, and the people were 

x The centenarium is a hundred pounds weight (Du Cange). 
According to Hodgkin (V, 196) this thousand centenaria xvould 
equal four million pounds sterling, an incredible sum. 

' Literally ' ' withdrawing. ' ' 


expecting him at the spectacle in the circus according 
to usage, and were preparing an ambuscade for him 
that they might raise Justinian, the nephew of Justin, to 
the imperial dignity, he first proceeded through the 
consecrated places, then he called to him the pontiff of 
the city and entered the palace with the consuls and 
prefects, and clad in the purple, crowned with the dia- 
dem and placed upon the imperial throne, he was con- 
firmed with immense applause in the honor of the 
sovereignty. His adversaries hearing this, and not be- 
ing able in any way to injure him who had placed his 
hope in God, were covered with great shame and con- 
fusion. And after a few days had elapsed, Justinian 
came and cast himself at the foot of the emperor bring- 
ing him fifteen centenaria of gold for the sake of 
pardon. Tiberius, raising him up in his patient way, 
commanded him to place himself in the palace at his 
side. But the empress Sophia, unmindful of the prom- 
ise she had previously made to Tiberius, attempted to 
carry on a plot against him. And when he proceeded 
to his villa according to imperial custom, to enjoy for 
thirty days the pleasures of the vintage, she secretly 
called Justinian and wished to raise him to the sover- 
eignty. When this was discovered, Tiberius returned 
in great haste to Constantinople, arrested the empress 
and despoiled her of all her treasures, leaving her only 
the nourishment of her daily food. And when he had 
separated her servants from her he put others at her ser- 
vice of those devoted to himself, commanding absolutely 
that none of the former ones should have access to her. 
But Justinian, whom he punished only by words, he 


afterwards cherished with so great a love that he prc-m- 
ised his own daughter to his son, and on the other hand 
asked Justinian's daughter for his own son. But this 
thing, from what cause I know not, did not at all come 
to pass. The army sent by him completely subdued 
the Persians, and returning victorious, brought, together 
with twenty elephants, so great a quantity of booty as 
would be thought enough to satisfy human cupidity. 


When Hilperic, king of the Franks, sent messengers 
to this sovereign, he received from him many trinkets, 
and gold pieces too, of a pound each, having on the one 
side the image of the emperor and the words written in a 
circle, "Of Tiberius Constantine Universal Emperor," and 
having on the other side a quadriga with a driver 1 and 
containing the inscription " The glory of the Romans." 
In his days while the blessed Gregory, the deacon who 
afterwards became Pope, was papal delegate at the same 
imperial city, he composed books of Morals 2 and 
vanquished in debate in the presence of the emperor him- 
self, Euthicius, 3 a bishop of that city who fell into 
error regarding the resurrection. 4 Also at this time 

1 Ascensor, literally, one who went up in it. 

*The object of this treatise was to show that the book of Job 
comprehended all natural theology and morals. 

8 Not the same as Eutyches, leader of the Eutychian heresy, 
who lived in the preceding century. 

4 Euthicius maintained that the resurrection body of the saints 
will be more subtile than ether and too rare to be perceived by the 
senses, a view which Gregory contested (Hodgkin, V, 293). 


Faroald, first duke of the Spoletans, invaded Classis ' 
with an army of Langobards and left the rich city 
stripped, plundered of all its wealth.* 


The patriarch Probinus, having died at Aquileia after 
he had ruled the church one year, the priest Helias 
(Elias) was set over that church. 

1 The harbor of Ravenna. 

1 While Paul has been narrating many events which took place 
in Gaul or at Constantinople, he has been neglecting the trans- 
actions in Italy, to which he now for a moment returns. Among 
the events of the interregnum, while the dukes held sway over the 
Langobards, and Longinus, the prefect, governed the Roman por- 
tion of Italy, was the first serious resistance offered to the Lango- 
bard invasion. Alboin had encountered little opposition, for 
the inhabitants of the open country fled to the cities which held 
out for a shorter or longer period, the Romans hoping, no 
doubt, that this invasion, like others which had preceded it, 
would soon be over and that the barbarians would retire. But in 
575 or 576, Baduarius, the son-in-law of the emperor Justin II, 
assembled in Ravenna a considerable body of troops, and went 
forth and gave battle to the invaders. He was overthrown and 
died. It is not known what part of the forces of the various 
Langobard dukedoms were his antagonists. Probably it was those 
who were advancing towards the south and who, not far from this 
time, established the important dukedoms of Spoleto and Bene- 
vento under dukes Faroald and Zotto respectively (Hartmann, II, 
I, 47). The taking of Classis by Faroald mentioned in the text 
probably occurred about 579, while Longinus was still prefect 
(Hodgkin, V, 197; VI, 90, 91, note). The city was afterwards 
retaken from the Langobards by Droctulft (III, 19, infra). 

BOOK III. 113 


After Tiberius Constantine had ruled the empire 
seven years, he felt the day of his death impending and 
with the approval of the empress Sophia, he chose 
Maurice, a Cappadocian by race, an energetic man, for 
the sovereignty, and gave him his daughter adorned 
with the royal decorations, saying, " Let my sovereignty 
be delivered to thee with this girl. Be happy in the 
use of it, mindful always to love equity and justice." 
After he had said these things he departed from this 
life to his eternal home, leaving great grief to the nation 
on account of his death. 1 For he was of the greatest 
goodness, ready in giving alms, just in his decisions, 
most careful in judging, despising no one, but including 
all in his good will ; loving all, he was also beloved by 
all. When he was dead, Maurice, clad in the purple and 
encircled with the diadem, proceeded to the circus, and 
his praises having been acclaimed, gifts were bestowed 
upon the people, and he, as the first (emperor) of the 
race of the Greeks, was confirmed in the imperial power. 


But the Langobards indeed, when they had been 
under the power of dukes for ten years, determined at 
length by common consent that Authari, the son of 
their sovereign Cleph, above mentioned, should be their 
king. And they called him also Flavius 2 on account of 

*A. D. 582 (Hodgkin, V, 227). 

1 A title borrowed from the family name of Vespasian and Titus, 
afterwards used by a number of their successors and by the em- 


his high office. All those who were afterwards kings 
of the Langobards auspiciously used this name. In his 
days on account of the re-establishment of the king- 
dom, those who were then dukes gave up half of their 
possessions for royal uses that there might be the means 
from which the king himself and those who should at- 
tend him and those devoted to his service throughout 
the various offices might be supported. 1 The oppressed 
people, however, were parcelled out among their Lango- 
bard guests. 2 There was indeed this admirable thing in 

perors of the East and thence transferred to other sovereigns, 
for example, to Odoacar (Hodgkin, V, 234) and to the Visigothic 
kings of Spain after Recared (Abel, p. 60). It was used to 
signify that the Langobard king had succeeded to the imperial 

1 The powers of the king are nowhere clearly defined. It should 
be noted that he was king of the Langobard people (not king of 
Italy), and that the Romans, who were not free subjects, were not 
taken into consideration (Hartmann, II, 2, 30). It would seem 
(Hodgkin, VI, 568) that the laws were devised by him after con- 
sultation with the principal men and nobles, and then accepted 
by the army, which formed the assembly of the people. The king 
was the supreme judge, but was assisted by jurors in coming to 
his conclusions. The highest criminal jurisdiction was exercised 
by him, sometimes immediately in cases of great importance, but 
more frequently by means of his officers. He had the highest 
police jurisdiction. Without his permission no free man accom- 
panied by his clan (faro) might change his residence. Churches 
and convents were under his protection. He represented a woman 
as against her guardian and a retainer as against his lord. 

* "Populitatnen adgravati per Langobardos hospitcs partiuntur. 
This is one of the most important passages in Paul's history-, as it 
furnishes almost the only existing statement of the condition of 
the Roman population under the early Langobard kings. It has 

BOOK III. 115 

the kingdom of the Langobards. There was no vio- 

been considered very obscure, and various interpretations have 

been given. Giansvero renders it: " And the people, oppressed 
by their Langobard guests, are divided." Abel translates nearly 
as in the text. Hodgkin (V, 232) renders it thus: " (In this 
division) the subject populations who had been assigned to their 
several guests were included." This departs widely from the 
Latin text, though it may well be the actual meaning. Capponi 
(Sui Langobardi in Italia 18, see Scritti Editi e Inediti, 75, 77) be- 
lieves that the sentence means that the tributary populations 
remained divided among the Langobard guests, and that the 
property only was ceded to the king. But Hodgkin asks (VI, 
585) why the lands should be given to the king stripped of the 
Roman aldii to cultivate them, and what the dukes who surren- 
dered part of their land would do with the increased population 
now thrown wholly upon the remainder. Villari insists (Le 
Invasion! Barbariche in Italia, pp. 265, 266) that the property 
which the Langobard dukes divided with the king was that which 
they had taken from the Roman nobles they had killed (II, 32 
supra), or which they had confiscated in other ways, and that 
there still remained to these dukes the third of the products of the 
lands possessed by the Romans, and he adds (p. 273) that the 
' ' oppressed people ' ' were the same as those who had been made 
tributaries before .(II, 32 supra), and who, therefore, had been 
and still remained divided among the Langobard proprietors who 
surrendered to the king half of the lands which were their free 
and full property. Savigny says (Geschichte des Romischen 
Rechts, I, chap. 5, p. 401): " The king was endowed by the nobles. 
The Romans were in the meantime divided among the individual 
Langobards as their hospites and the old relation between them 
remained unchanged." Hegel says: "'There was no change in 
the general condition of the conquered Romans. They remained 
divided among their hospites. " Troya (Storia d' Italia, I, 5 ccccx) 
contends that the true reading is patiuntur for partitmtur, ' ' The 
dukes gave one-half of their property to the king, nevertheless 
the populations oppressed by the Langobard guests suffered for it. ' ' 


lence, no ambuscades were laid, no one constrained an- 
other unjustly, no one took spoils, there were no thefts, 

The dukes made up for their patriotic surrender by screwing a 
larger tribute out of the oppressed Romans. But Hodgkin re- 
marks (VI, 586, note) that this does not agree with the sentence 
that follows about the golden age. Since Paul no longer speaks 
of the products of the land, some think (see Villari, pp. 265, 266, 
273) that the third oi the rents was changed into a third of the 
lands, and believe that since the Langobards had made new 
acquisitions of territory, a division was made of the new lands 
for the benefit of those who had to give the king part of their own 

It does not seem to me that the above passage is as difficult as 
it has been considered. In the parcelling out of the people among 
their Langobard guests, the king, through his representative (his 
actor, or perhaps his gastaldus), may well have been one of these 
"guests," a word which, as we have seen, was the euphemistic 
name assumed by the Langobards who settled upon the lands of 
the Romans and took a share of the products. In that case the 
literal translation given in the text would be entirely appropriate, 
and yet there would be no shifting of the population nor any 
change in the system of dividing the products of the land. 

One great difficulty with the passage has been to explain the 
use of the word tamen (however), the usual meaning of which is 
adversative. Crivellucci (Studii Storici, 1899, 255) shows that out 
of forty-eight instances in which this conjunction is used by Paul 
in this history, there are six places where it might properly be 
given a copulative meaning equivalent to "and" or "also," 
and one place where such a meaning is required, viz., at the be- 
ginning of chapter 23, book II. It is certain that this conjunction 
as well as nihilominus, its* equivalent, was often used by Paul, 
either with a variable meaning or else most inexpressively, and 
that its use here ought not to interfere with a translation of this 
passage, which is in other respects both reasonable and literal. 

As to the condition of this subject Roman population see note 
to II, 32, supra. 

BOOK III. 117 

no robberies, every one proceeded whither he pleased, 
safe and without fear. 1 


At this time the emperor Maurice sent by his 
ambassadors to Childepert, king of the Franks, 50,000 
solidi 2 to make an attack with his army upon the Lan- 
gobards and drive them from Italy, and Childepert 
suddenly entered Italy with a countless multitude of 
Franks. 3 The Langobards indeed intrenched them- 
selves in their towns and when messengers had passed 
between the parties and gifts had been offered they 
made peace with Childepert. 4 When he had returned 

1 This description of the golden age is not borne out by the facts 
(Pabst, 425, note 2). 

1 The value of the gold solidus (here referred to) differed at dif- 
ferent times. Hodgkin places it at twelve shillings, so that this 
50,000 solidi was equal to ^30,000 (V, 228). He also (VI, 413, 
414) gives a table of the purchasing power of the solidus about the 
time of Liutprand, which was more than a century later than the 
period in question. The average value of a slave varied from 
sixty solidi to sixteen ; a new olive garden sold for eight solidi ; 
half a house in Pisa for nine; a garden in Lucca for fifteen; a bed, 
tunic and mantle for ten solidi each; a horse with trappings for 
one hundred solidi, etc. Personalty seems to have had a high 
value in comparison with real estate. 

s Paul erroneously places the elevation of Authari to the throne 
before the arrangement made by the emperor Maurice with Child- 
pert II, A. D. 582, for a common enterprise against the Lango- 
bards. In fact, it was the threatened danger of foreign invasion 
which induced the dukes to strengthen their military power by 
the creation of a king (Jacobi, 35). 

* Gregory of Tours, from whom Paul took this statement, says 


to Gaul, the emperor Maurice, having learned that he 
had made a treaty with the Langobards, asked for the 
return of the solidi he had given in consideration of the 
overthrow of the Langobards. But Childepert, relying 
upon the strength of his resources, would not give an 
answer in this matter. 


When these things had been done in this way, 
king Authari approached the city of Brexillus (Bres- 
cello), situated on the bank of the Po, 1 to capture it. 
Thither duke Droctulft had fled from the Langobards 
and surrendering to the emperor's party, and being 
joined by his soldiers, resisted bravely the army of 
the Langobards. This man was descended from the 
race of Suavi (Suabians), that is, of the Alamanni, and 
had grown up among the Langobards, and because he 
was of an excellent figure, had acquired the honor of a 
dukedom, but when he found an occasion of avenging his 
captivity* he suddenly rose against the arms of the 
Langobards. The Langobards waged grievous wars 
against him and at length overcame him together with 
the soldiers he was aiding, and compelled him to with- 
draw to Ravenna. Brexillus was taken and its walls were 

the Langobards submitted to Childepert' s dominion (H. F., 6, 42). 
Probably these gifts were considered as tribute. 

1 Twelve miles from Parma and on the Aemilian way (Hodgkin, 
V, 243). 

* He had apparently been taken prisoner by the Imperial troops, 
and resented his lack of support by the other Langobard dukes, 
to whom he considered he owed his captivity (Hodgkin, V, 242). 

BOOK III. 119 

levelled to the ground. After these things king Authari 
made' peace for three years with the patrician Smarag- 
dus, 1 who was then in authority at Ravenna. 


With the support of this Droctulft, of whom we 
have spoken, the soldiers of the Ravenna people often 
fought against the Langobards, and after 'a fleet was 
built, they drove out with his aid the Langobards who 
were holding the city of Classis. 2 And when he had 
filled the limit of life, they gave him an honorable sepul- 
cher in front of the church of the holy martyr Vitalis, 3 
and set forth his praises in the following epitaph : 

Drocton lies buried within this tomb, but only in body, 
For in his merits he lives, over the orb of the world. 

First with the Langobards he dwelt, for by race and by nature 
Sprung from Suavian stock, suave to all people was he. 

1 Smaragdus had been appointed in 585 to succeed the incap- 
able Longinus (Hodgkin, V, 242). This treaty was made very 
shortly afterwards (Waitz). 

J The port of Ravenna. The dates conjectured for this event 
vary from A. D. 584 to 588 (Hodgkin, VI, 91, 92). 

This church, an octagonal building in the Byzantine style, was 
completed in the year 547, with the aid of contributions made by 
the emperor Justinian and the empress Theodora. Its walls were 
adorned with exquisite mosaics which are still in an excellent 
state of preservation. St. Vitalis was the patron saint of Ravenna. 
He came to that city from Milan during the persecution under 
Nero, A. D. 62, at a time when St. Ursicinus was about to suffer 
martyrdom. He sustained and encouraged Ursicinus, who was 
terrified at the torments he was compelled to undergo, and after 
his death Vitalis buried him, and was thereupon arrested, tor- 
tured, and buried alive (Larousse). 


Terrible to be seen was his face, though in heart he was kindly. 

Long was the beard that grew down on his vigorous breast. 
Loving the standards of Rome and the emblems of the republic, 

Aid unto them he brought, crushing the power of his race. 
Love unto us he bore, despising the claims of his kindred, 

Deeming Ravenna his own fatherland, dear to his heart. 
First of his valiant deeds was the glory of captured Brexillus. 

There for a time he remained, dreadful to all of his foes. 
Later when here his power brought aid to the Roman standards 

First within his hands rested the banner of Christ. 
Afterwards when Faroald withheld by treachery Classis, 

' ' Fleet-town " l in hope to avenge, arms for the fleet he prepares, 
Struggles in tiny ships on the flowing stream of Badrinus. * 

Conquers and overcomes numberless Langobard * bands, 
Vanquishes also in lands of the East the impetuous Avar, 

Seeking to win for his lords victory's sovereign palm. 
Often to them as a conq'ror, sustained by the aid of Vitalis, 

Martyr and holy saint, honored with triumphs he came. 
And in the fane of Vitalis he sought the repose of his body, 

Pleased that this place should hold, after his death, his remains 
When he died, he implored these things of the priest Joannes,* 

By whose pious love he had returned to these lands. 4 

1 Chassis, "a fleet" being the name of the town. 

1 Padoreno, say some, (Waitz) but this was one of the mouths of 
the Po more than thirty miles distant (Hodg., V, 247 note). 

9 In the original the Langobards are called Bardi, a name which 
recalls the Bardengau and Bardowick of the Elbe region. 

* Johannes III, bishop of Ravenna, 578-595 (Hodgkin V, 248 
note 2). 

* A somewhat freer translation in rhyme is given in Hodgkin 
(V, 247). 

BOOK III. 121 


Finally, after pope Benedict, Pelagius x was ordained 
pontiff of the Roman church without the authority of 
the emperor, because the Langobards had besieged and 
surrounded Rome, and no one could leave the city. This 
Pelagius sent to Helias (Elias), bishop of Aquileia, who 
was unwilling to respect the Three Chapters 3 of the 

1 The second of that name. This election of Pelagius actually 
occurred in 578-579 (Hodgkin, V, 195), and is placed by Paul 
at too late a period, after the elevation of Authari to the throne 
(Jacobi, 48, 49). 

* Paul is mistaken in calling them the ' ' Three Chapters of the 
Synod of Chalcedon." The Three Chapters were the doctrines 
of three bishops, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret of Cyrrhus 
and Ibas of Edessa, which were condemned by the Synod of Con- 
stantinople in 532 (Waitz, P. Ill, 26, note). It was, however, 
considered by many that this condemnation affected the validity 
of the decrees of the previous Council of Chalcedon. Paul is also 
in error in saying that Elias was unwilling to respect the Three 
Chapters. It was Elias who supported these doctrines and it was 
Pope Pelagius who condemned them. 

The controversy regarding the Three Chapters which agitated 
the church from the time of Justinian (543) to that of Cunincpert 
(698), had its origin in still older disputes concerning the incarna- 
tion of the Messiah. Apollinaris, bishop of Laodicea, taught that 
there was one incarnate nature of Christ ; that the God-head was 
united to the body of a man, and the Logos, the Eternal Wisdom, 
supplied in him the place of a human soul. These teachings 
were condemned as heresy, and at the beginning of the fifth cen- 
tury the combination of two natures was the prevailing doctrine of 
the church, yet the mode of the co-existence of these natures could 
not be represented by our ideas nor expressed by our language, 
and contention began between those .who most dreaded to con- 
found, and those who most feared to separate the divinity and the 


Synod of Chalcedon, a very salutary letter which the 

humanity of Christ. Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, was at the 
head of one faction and Nestorius, patriarch of Constantinople, at 
the head of the other. Both were fanatical and intolerant. Nes- 
torius abhorred the confusion of the two natures and repudiated 
the doctrine that the Virgin was the mother of God. Cyril es- 
poused the side of a greater unity in Christ's nature. Pope Celes- 
tine approved his creed and condemned the doctrine of Nestorius. 
The first Council of Ephesus was called, and amid much tumult 
and violence Cyril was upheld and Nestorius pronounced a her- 
etic. Cyril, however, softened to some extent his previous ana- 
themas, and confessed with some ambiguity the union of a two- 
fold nature in Christ. Eutyches, an abbot of Constantinople, 
was the head of a sect that was so extreme in its opposition to 
the doctrine of Nestorius that it incurred itself the reproach 
of heresy. Flavian, bishop of Constantinople, condemned the 
doctrine of Eutyches. A second council was summoned at 
Ephesus, but it was dominated like the first by the patriarch of 
Alexandria and it accepted his doctrine. A furious multitude of 
monks and soldiers broke into the church. Flavian was buffeted 
and kicked and trampled until he expired from his wounds, and 
the Council of Ephesus has passed into history as "The Robber 
Synod. ' ' Pope Leo the Great was not in accord with the doctrine 
of Eutyches. His famous Tome or epistle on the mystery of the 
Incarnation had been disregarded at the last Council of Ephesus, 
but upon the death of the emperor Theodosius, the decrees of that 
council were overthrown, the Tome of Leo was subscribed by the 
Oriental bishops, and a new council was summoned at Chalcedon, 
near Constantinople. (Gibbon, ch. 47.) In this council (Hodg- 
son, Early History of Venice, pp. 44 and 45) Leo's letter 
was accepted as the orthodox doctrine and as a refutation of 
Eutyches, and it was declared that the two natures of Christ ex- 
isted without any " confusion, conversion, division or separation." 
At the same time certain letters ot Cyril were accepted as a refu- 
tation of Nestorius, and the controversy was now regarded as 
settled. This council was held in the year 45 1. Nearly a century 

BOOK III. 123 

blessed Gregory composed while he was still a deacon. 


afterwards when Justinian came to the throne, he and his wife 
Theodora re-opened the question by issuing an edict against cer- 
tain writings of three men long dead Theodore of Mopsuestia, 
whose orthodoxy had always been doubtful, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, 
who had been condemned by the Robber Synod and reinstated 
by the Council of Chalcedon, and a bishop of Edessa named Ibas. 
The emperor's edict set forth certain passages from the writings 
of these men and anathematized them as infected with Nestori- 
anism. The condemned doctrines were known as ' ' The Three 
Chapters. ' ' The papacy was then held by the weak and irresolute 
Vigilius, a creature of Theodora, whose election to office had been 
tainted with simony. When the imperial decree was promulgated 
against the Three Chapters, the Western church which had sup- 
ported the Council of Chalcedon, naturally opposed it, and Vigilius 
came to Constantinople in 547 pledged against the emperor's 
edict. But when he had been in that city a little more than a 
year, he was induced by flattery and promises to issue his Judi- 
catum, which assented to the emperor's doctrine, "saving, how- 
ever, the Council of Chalcedon." The remonstrances of the 
western bishops led him again to reconsider his position. In 550, 
the Judicatum was withdrawn; in 551, the pope pronounced a 
solemn condemnation of Justinian' s advisers in the matter. The 
emperor now resorted to violence, Vigilius was roughly handled, 
a general council was summoned at Constantinople which was at- 
tended almost exclusively by eastern bishops. The pope took 
no part except to send to that body a Constitutum in which he 
asserted his right to guide the opinions of all churchmen and an- 
nul all decrees inconsistent with his teachings. He did not de- 
fend the orthodoxy of Theodore, but in regard to Ibas and Theo- 
doret, he adhered to the approval given them at Chalcedon. But 
after the Council of Constantinople had disregarded his authority 
and anathematized the Three Chapters, and the emperor was pro- 
ceeding to banish him for contumacy, he retracted, finding that 
the decrees of this council were not irreconcilable with those of 
Chalcedon (Hodgson, 46, 47), and after his death Pelagius I, his 


Meanwhile Childepert, king of the Franks, waged war 

successor, ratified the condemnation of the Three Chapters. After 
the papacy had thus committed itself to the views of Justinian, it 
became very earnest in its advocacy of these views, although the 
churches of Spain and Gaul refused to condemn the Three Chap- 
ters, while Milan, Aquileia and the churches of Istria went further 
and refused communion with all who held with the Council of 
Constantinople (Hodgson, 48, 49). 

Paulinus, who was bishop of Aquileia from about 558 to 570, 
assembled a synod in which Pelagius, Justinian and Xarses were 
all excommunicated (Filiasi, V, 255). John III, the successor of 
Pelagius, tried to convert the schismatics, but failed, whereupon 
Narses proceeded by command of Justinian against the rebellious 
bishops. After two years of turmoil Justinian died, whereupon 
the tumult partly subsided, and Narses sought to quiet it rather 
by skill than by violence (Hodgson, 48, 49). After the invasion 
of the Langobards In 568 Paulinus moved the See of Aquileia 
from that city to Grado, and soon afterwards died (P. II, 10). 
Probinus, who followed him, was also a schismatic, as well as 
Elias, his successor, who held a synod in Grado, which sent 
legates to Constantinople, and prevailed upon the emperor to 
leave the schismatics in peace (Hodgson, 48, 49). John III was 
succeeded by Benedict, and he by Pelagius II (Hodgkin, V, 460), 
who wrote to Elias exhorting the Istrians to abandon the schism, 
and inviting them to send bishops and presbyters to Rome to re- 
ceive satisfaction on all the points upon which they were in doubt 
(Hodgkin, V, 462, 3). The messengers were sent, but evidently 
not to receive the promised explanation, for they brought with 
them a sharp definition of the views of the schismatics, demand- 
ing in effect that the pope himself should give way. Pelagius in 
a second letter argued the question with them and demanded that 
they should send instructed persons able to give and receive a 
reason in debate. The Istrian bishops sent another letter announc- 
ing their own authoritative decision, and it was to this second let- 

BOOK III. 125 

against the Spaniards and overcame them in battle. 1 
And tljis was the cause of the struggle : King Childe- 
pert had given Ingundis his sister in marriage to Her- 
minigild, son of Levigild, king of the Spaniards. And 
this Herminigild, by the preaching of Leander, bishop 
of Hispalis (Seville), and by the exhortation of his wife, 
had been converted from the Arlan heresy, in which his 
father was languishing, to the Catholic faith, and his 
impious father had caused him put to death by the axe 
upon the very holiday of Easter. 2 Ingundis indeed 
fled from the Spaniards after the death of her husband 
and martyr, 3 and when she sought to return to Gaul, she 

ter that Pelagius sent as his answer the ' ' useful epistle ' ' composed 
by Gregory, and referred to in the text (Hodgkin, V, 465). The 
argument insists that Pope Leo had not confirmed all the decrees 
of the Council of Chalcedon, but had rather reserved private and 
personal matters; that the acts of the three Syrian bishops might 
be considered as included in this reservation ; that the Council had 
impliedly condemned these bishops since it had approved of Cyril 
and the Council of Ephesus which they opposed; that there was 
good authority for anathematizing heretics even after their death, 
and that the long reluctance by Vigilius and the Western bishops 
to accept the decrees of the Council of Constantinople, arose from 
their ignorance of Greek and gave all the more value to their final 
conclusions. The letter however, did not convert the schismatics, 
and more violent measures were soon taken (Hodgkin V, 565 
567) as we shall see hereafter (Book III, ch. 26 and note). 

1 Paul is in error regarding this war. It was conducted not by 
Childepert, but by Gunthram, and was unsuccessful (Jacobi, 36). 

'This fact is doubtful (Hodgkin, V, 255). He was probably as- 
sassinated, although he seems to have raised the standard of re- 
bellion against his father (Hartmann, II, i, 66). 

* He was not regarded as a martyr by Gregory of Tours (VI, 
43), but as a rebel against his father. 


fell into the hands of the soldiers who were stationed 
on the boundary opposite the Spanish Goths, and was 
taken with her little son and brought to Sicily and there 
ended her days. 1 But her son was sent to Constanti- 
nople to the emperor Maurice. 


The emperor Maurice on the other hand dispatched 
ambassadors to Childepert and persuaded him to send 
his army into Italy against the Langobards. 2 Childe- 
pert, thinking that his sister was still living at Constanti- 
nople, gave his assent to the ambassadors of Maurice and 
again sent the army of the Franks to Italy against the 
Langobards so that he could get his sister. And when 
the army of the Langobards hastened against them, the 
Franks and Alamanni, having a quarrel among them- 
selves, returned to their own country without securing 
any advantage. 


At this time 3 there was a deluge of water in the terri- 
tories of Venetia and Liguria, and in other regions of 
Italy such as is believed not to have existed since the 
time of Noah. Ruins were made of estates and coun- 
try seats, and at the same time a great destruction of 
men and animals. The paths were obliterated, the 
highways demolished, and the river Athesis (Adige) 

1 The soldiers into whose hands Ingundis fell were Greeks. She 
probably died at Carthage in Africa (Hodgkin, V, 256), not in 

'About s&7 (Hodgkin, V, 258). 589 (Hodgkin, V, 261). 

BOOK III. 127 

then rose so high that around the church of the blessed 
martyr ^Zeno, which is situated outside the walls of the 
city of Verona, the water reached the upper windows, 
although as St. Gregory, afterwards pope, also wrote, the 
water did not at all enter into that church. Likewise 
the walls of the city of Verona itself were partly de- 
molished by the same inundation. And this inundation 
occurred on the i6th of the calends of November 
(Oct. 1 7th), yet there were so many flashes of light- 
ning and peals of thunder as are hardly wont to occur 
even in the summer time. Also after two months this 
city of Verona was in great part consumed by fire. 


In this outpouring of the flood the river Tiber at 
the city of Rome rose so much that its waters flowed 
in over the walls of the city and filled great regions in 
it. Then through the bed of the same stream a great 
multitude of serpents, and a dragon also of astonishing 
size passed by the city and descended to the sea. 
Straightway a very grievous pestilence called inguinal * 
followed this inundation, and it wasted the people with 
such great destruction of life that out of a countless 
multitude barely a few remained. First it struck Pope 
Pelagius, a venerable man, and quickly killed him. Then 
when their pastor was taken away it spread among the 
people. In this great tribulation the most blessed 
Gregory, who was then a deacon, 2 was elected Pope by 

1 Of the groin. 

1 Levita. See DuCange. 

-' % 


i ,.i '" ' J ' 


the common consent of all. He ordained that a seven- 
fold litany should be offered, but while they were 
imploring God, eighty of them within the space of one 
hour fell suddenly to the earth and gave up the ghost. 
The seven-fold litany was thus called because all the 
people of the city were divided by the blessed Gregory 
into seven parts to intercede with the Lord. In the first 
troop indeed was all the clergy ; in the second, all the 
abbots with their monks ; in the third, all the abbesses 
with their companies; in the fourth, all the children; 
in the fifth, all the laymen ; in the sixth, all the widows ; 
in the seventh, all the married women. And we omit 
to say anything more concerning the blessed Gregory 
because some years ago with the help of God we com- 
posed his life in which, according to our slender ability, 
we sketched in writing what was to be told. 1 

1 Gregory the Great, the descendant of a noble Roman family, 
was born about the year 540. In 573 he became prefect of the 
city, but two years afterwards he laid down this office, founded 
six Benedictine convents in Sicily and converted his ancestral 
palace on the Coelian hill at Rome into a monastery dedicated to 
St. Andrew, in which he himself became a monk. It was at this 
time that walking through the Forum he saw exposed for sale the 
fair-haired boys from Britain of whom he said that they were not 
Angles but angels, and he obtained from Pope Benedict I, leave to 
undertake a mission to that island for the conversion of its people. 
He was recalled, however, while upon the way and was appointed 
deacon to the Pope. When Benedict died, his successor, Pela- 
gius II, sent Gregory as his nuncio or apocrisarius to the Imperial 
Court at Constantinople, where, as Paul states (III, 13), he com- 
posed his book of Morals. With the emperor Maurice his rela- 
tions were not always cordial, although the emperor asked him to 
stand sponsor for his son, the infant Theodosius, After remain- 

BOOK III. 129 

At this time the same blessed Gregory sent Augustine 

ing some six years in Constantinople he returned (A. D. 585 or 
586) to Rome and became the head of the monastery of St. An- 
drew which he had established (Hodgkin, V, 287 to 296). He 
now placed his pen at the service of the Pope in the controversy 
between that pontiff and the bishops of I stria concerning the con- 
demnation of the Three Chapters (See III, 20, supra, and note). 
In 589 the inundation mentioned at the beginning of this chapter 
occurred, and in 590 the plague ravaged Italy. On the 8th of 
February of the latter year Pope Pelagius II died and Gregory 
was chosen to succeed him. The seven-fold litany described by 
Paul occurred after Gregory was elected, but before he was con- 
firmed in the papal dignity. A fuller account of this litany is 
given in Hodgkin (V, 298302). 

Gregory' s Epistles, composed during his pontificate, form a rich 
mine for the investigator of the history of that period. They treat 
of the care of the vast patrimony of St. Peter which included the 
largest and richest domains in Sicily as well as considerable es- 
tates in Rome, in the Sabine country, in the neighborhood of 
Ravenna, in Campania, Apulia, Bruttium, Gaul, Illyricum, Sar- 
dinia and Corsica, embracing property some 1800 square miles in 
extent. Gregory's letters show a conscientious regard for the just 
and careful management of these estates, as well as for the useful 
expenditure of the papal revenues and the efficient administration 
of the church, not only in these regions, but in Africa, Spain and 
elsewhere. It was in 596 that he sent St. Augustine, abbot of his 
own monastery of St. Andrew, to Britain on the mission mentioned 
in the following chapter, which resulted in the conversion of Ethel- 
bert and a great part of his nobles and people to Christianity, and 
in 60 1 the second mission under Mellitus was dispatched to re- 
enforce Augustine and his co-laborers. Gregory reformed the 
music of the church and remodeled the Roman liturgy, giving the 
service of the mass nearly the form which it bears at the present 
day (Hodgkin, 307-329). He also took an important part in the 


and Mellitus and John with many other monks who 

political affairs of Italy and in the defense of Naples, Rome and 
other cities of the empire against " the unspeakable Langobards." 
He made a separate treaty with duke Ariulf of Spoleto (id., p. 
363), and was, as we shall see hereafter, the efficient agent in pro- 
curing the peace between Agilulf and the empire which relieved 
Italy from the devastations of a protracted war. 

He made an earnest and even daring remonstrance to the em- 
peror Maurice against the decree forbidding the servants of the 
state to enter monasteries (pp. 374-376); he reproached the em- 
peror for preventing the peace for which he had long been striving 
(pp. 382-387), and he bitterly resented the claim of the patriarch 
John of Constantinople to be called the Ecumenical or Universal 
Bishop (pp. 390-400). While the contest over the title was at 
its height, John died. He was succeeded by Cyriacus, a man of 
gentler nature, who, while he did not renounce, would not obtrude 
a title which Gregory had declared to be " the precursor of Anti- 
christ, " but which the patriarchs of Constantinople continued to 
use until the Roman pontiffs nearly a century afterwards began to 
adopt it for themselves (pp. 401-403). In 602 Maurice was over- 
thrown by Phocas, and with his four youngest children was put to 
death ; later the same fate befell his eldest son Theodosius, and 
three years afterwards it overtook his widowed empress Constan- 
tina and her daughters. Phocas proved to be a tyrant, imbecile 
and brutal, a monster of lust and cruelty. In April 603 he was 
formally proclaimed emperor in Rome, and Gregory, unmindful 
of the horrors incident to his accession to the throne, addressed to 
the usurper a paean of praise and thanksgiving that has cast a 
stain upon the memory of this great pope (pp. 434-447). But the 
judgment of his critics is perhaps too severe. He was slowly 
dying of the gout, from which he had suffered many years. 
Maurice had appeared to him as the oppressor of the church and 
the enemy of the true religion. The detestable character of 
Phocas was probably not yet manifest to Gregory, his responsi- 
bility for the assassination of the children of Maurice may well 
have been unknown or disbelieved. Within a year Gregory died, 

BOOK III. 131 

feared God into Britain and he converted the Angles to 
Christ by their preaching. 


In these days when Helias (Elias), patriarch of Aqui- 
leia, had died after holding his holy office fifteen 
years, Severus succeeded him and undertook the man- 
agement of the church. Smaragdus the patrician, com- 
ing from Ravenna to Gradus (Grado), personally 
dragged him out of the church, and brought him with 
insults to Ravenna together with three other bishops 
from Istria, that is, John of Parentium (Parenzo), 
Severus * and Vendemius 2 and also Antony, 3 now an old 

and although Hodgkin considers (V, 452) that it is safer to judge 
him as a great Roman than as a great saint, it seems just to his 
memory that the splendid qualities he exhibited throughout a life 
of intense activity should not be too greatly dimmed by a single 
mistake at its close. As Hodgkin rightly says, his generosity, his 
justice, his courage, entitle him to a high place among the noblest 
names of his imperial race. The secular power he wielded over 
the vast property owned by the church, as well as his political in- 
fluence in Italy, his negotiations and treaties with the Langobards, 
his administration of the affairs of Rome and the surrounding ter- 
ritories at a time when the empire, weakened and beset by num- 
erous enemies, could give no protection to its subjects all these 
things tended to change the character of the Holy See, to make 
Gregory the true founder of the mediaeval papacy and to pave the 
way for the subsequent establishment under Charlemagne of the 
temporal power of the popes. 

1 Of Tergeste (Trieste) (Waitz). 

* Of Cissa (Pago) (Waitz). 

3 Of Grado (Waitz). 


man and trustee T of the church. Threatening them 
with exile and inflicting violence, he compelled them to 
hold communion with John, the bishop of Ravenna, a 
condemner of the Three Chapters, who had separated 
from the communion of the Roman church at the time 
of Pope Vigilius or Pelagius. " After the expiration of 
a year 3 they returned from Ravenna to Grado. And the 
people were not willing to hold communion with them 
nor did the other bishops receive them. The patrician 
Smaragdus became not unjustly possessed of a devil, 
and being succeeded by the patrician Romanus, returned 
to Constantinople. 4 After these things a synod of ten 

1 Defcnsor ecclesiae, a functionary often mentioned in the church 
annals, nominated by the emperor on presentation of the bishop 
to protect the temporal interests of a particular church. 

"Vigilius, A. D. 538-555; Pelagius, 555-559 or 560 (Muratori 
Ann. Ill, 455). It was at the time of Vigilius, in 553, that the 
second Council of Constantinople was held. The words of Paul 
appear to be written from the standpoint of the schismatics. In 
point of fact the Roman church was now supporting the con- 
demnation of the Three Chapters. Paul seems to have believed 
that orthodoxy lay upon the other side (see Cipolla, Atti del Con- 
gresso in Cividale, 1899, p. 144). 

Cipolla believes (p. 145) that the reference to Vigilius was taken 
by Paul from a petition of the schismatic bishops of the synod of 
Marano to the emperor Maurice in which they declared that their 
predecessors held firmly to the instruction .they had received from 
Pope Vigilius and the Council of Chalcedon, and kept themselves 
faithful to the Three Chapters. This would explain his distorted 
view of the controversy. If Paul took this statement from 
Secundus, the latter may well have derived it from the petition of 
the schismatic bishops. 

*A. D. 588 or 589 (Waitz). A. D. 590 (Waitz). 

BOOK III. 133 

bishops was held in Marianum (Marano) x where they 
took .back Severus, the patriarch of Aquileia, upon his 
giving a written confession of his error in taking com- 
munion at Ravenna with those who had condemned the 
Three Chapters. 2 The names of the bishops who had 
withheld themselves from this schism are these : Peter 
of Altinum ( Altino) ; Clarissimus ; 3 Ingenuinus of 
Sabione (Seben) ; 4 Agnellus of Tridentum (Trent); 
Junior of Verona; Horontius of Vicentia (Vicenza) ; 
Rusticus of Tarvisium (Treviso) ; Fonteius of Feltria 
(Feltre) ; Agnellus of Acilum (Asolo) ; Laurentius of 
Bellunum (Belluno) ; Maxentius of Julium (Zuglio) ; s 
and Adrian of Pola. ' But the following bishops held 
communion with the patriarch ; Severus, John of Paren- 
tium (Parenzo), Patricius, Vendemius and John. 7 

1 About twelve miles west of Aquileia. The council was held 
about 589 (Hodgkin, V, 468, 470). 

3 This part of Paul' s narrative is taken in all probability from 
the lost work of Secundus, bishop of Trent, who was himself a 
schismatic and defender of the Three Chapters, and it may be due 
to this that Paul's narrative is colored in their favor (Hodgkin, V, 
468, note). 

8 Of Concordia (Waitz). 

* Near Brixen (Waitz). 

* On the Tagliamento above Tolmezzo (Abel). 

These bishops came largely from places under Langobard pro- 
tection and could well afford to defy the pope and the exarch 
(Hodgkin, V, 469). 

T This Severus was bishop of Tergeste (Trieste); Patricius, of 
ALmona. (Laybach); Vendemius, of Cissa (Pago), and John, of 
.Celeia (Cilli) (Waitz). It is not clear whether they held com- 


At this time king Authari sent an army to Istria, 

munion with the patriarch before or after his recantation (Hodg- 
kin, V, 469, 470, note 2), probably before. 

Paul does not tell the rest of the story. In the following year 
Gregory the Great became pope and wrote a letter summoning 
the patriarch and his followers to Rome to be judged by a synod 
as to the matters in controversy (Hodgkin, V, 470). Upon re- 
ceipt of this letter two councils were assembled, one composed oi 
the bishops of the territory occupied by the Langobards, and the 
other of the bishops in the coast cities subject to the empire. 
Each of these councils sent a letter to the emperor, and Severus 
the patriarch sent a third. One of these letters, that of the Lango- 
bard bishops, has been preserved. They congratulated Maurice 
upon his victories in Italy, and predicted that the day would soon 
come when the " Gentiles " would be overthrown and they would 
again become subjects of the empire. Then they would gladly 
present themselves before a synod in Constantinople, but they 
asked that they should not be compelled to appear before Gre- 
gory, who was a party to the cause, and whose communion they 
had renounced. If their enemies were allowed to persecute them 
the result would be that their churches would be alienated from 
the imperial authority (p. 471). This was an unpleasant prospect 
for the emperor, so Maurice ordered the Pope not to molest them 
(p. 472). Gregory, thus restrained, had now to confine himself 
to argument. 

When Callinicus became exarch, about 579, the schismatic 
bishops found it harder to preserve their independence, and we 
hear of certain secessions from their ranks (pp. 474, 477). 

The schism had extended beyond the confines of Venetia and 
Istria. Constantius, bishop of Milan and a friend of Gregory, 
was urged to declare that he had never condemned the Three 
Chapters and when he refused, three of his suffragans renounced 
his communion and induced Theudelinda, the Langobard queen, 
a Catholic and the friend of Pope Gregory to do the same. 

BOOK III. 135 

which army Euin, duke of Tridentum (Trent), com- 
manded. l And they, after plunderings and burnings, 
when peace had been made for one year, brought back 
a great sum of money to the king. Other Langobards 
too, besieged in the island of Comacina, 2 Francio, 

4 ' Here, indeed, was a blow for the Catholic cause, if the royal in- 
fluence which had been won with difficulty after the contest with 
Arianism was to be lost again over the souls of the three Syrians ' ' 
(Hodgkin, V, 479). Upon the entreaties of the Pope, the breach 
seems to have been healed and the queen's relations with Gregory 
remained friendly, although she probably sympathized with the 
schismatics. In December, 603, shortly before his death, he 
wrote congratulating her upon the birth and Catholic baptism of 
her son Adaloald, and said that sickness prevented him from 
answering "his dearest son, the abbot Secundus," who appears 
to have also been on the side of heresy (p. 480). 

At the time of Gregory's death the schism had assumed a geo- 
graphical character. In Istria, at Grado, and among the lagoons 
of Venice, "in fact, wherever the galleys of Constantinople could 
penetrate, churchmen were desirous to return into unity with the 
Emperor and the Pope, and were willing to admit that Theodoret, 
Theodore and Ibas were suffering the vengeance of eternal fire. 
On the mainland . . . wherever the swords of the Lombards 
flashed, men took a more hopeful view of the spiritual prospects 
of the three Syrians ' ' (p. 481). On the death of Severus two sets 
of patriarchs were appointed, one for each section (IV, 33. infra). 
The schism continued until the end of the 7th century, when king 
Cunincpert summoned a council at Pavia in which the schismatics 
"with shouts of triumph" renounced their heresy and asked to 
be restored to the church (Hodgkin, V, 483; VI, 14, infra, see 

1 Probably 587 (Hodgkin, V, 244). 

* Read Comacina instead of Amacina (Waitz). Comacina was 
a small island in lake Como, a little Roman stronghold amid 
Langobard surroundings. 


master of soldiers, who had been hitherto of the party 
of Narses and had already maintained himself for twenty 
years. This Francio, after he had been besieged six 
months, surrendered that island to the Langobards but 
he himself was released by the king, as he had desired, 
and hastened with his wife and his household goods to 
Ravenna. In this island many riches were found which 
had been deposited there by particular cities. 


The king Flavius Authari sent an embassy to Chil- 
depert asking that the sister of the latter should be 
united to him in marriage. But while Childepert ac- 
cepted gifts from the ambassadors of the Langobards, 
and promised to give his sister to their king, yet when 
ambassadors of the Goths came from Spain he prom- 
ised this same sister over again, because he had learned 
that that nation had been converted to the Catholic 
faith. 1 


In the meantime he dispatched an embassy to the 
emperor Maurice sending him word that he would now 
undertake the war against the nation of the Langobards, 
which he had not done before, and in concert with the 
emperor, he would drive them out of Italy. And with- 
out delay he dispatched his army into Italy for the sub- 

1 This was probably due to the intrigues of the queen mother 
Brunihilde, who, after suppressing an insurrection of the nobles of 
Austrasia, pursued a policy of alliance with the empire and the 
church rather than with the Langobards (Hartmann, II, i, 67, 68). 

BOOK III. 137 

jugation of the Langobards. 1 King Authari and the 
troop? of the Langobards quickly went forth to meet 
him and fought bravely for their freedom. In that 
fight the Langobards won the victory ; the Franks were 
vanquished by main force, many were captured, very 
many also escaped by flight and returned with difficulty 
to their own country. So great a slaughter was there 
made of the army of the Franks as is not related any- 
where else. And it is truly astonishing why Secundus, 
who wrote a number of things concerning the doings of 
the Langobards, should pass over so great a victory of 
theirs as this, since these things of which we have 
spoken concerning the destruction of the Franks may 
be read in their own history, described in almost these 
very words.* 


But after these events king Flavius Authari sent am- 
bassadors to Bavaria to ask for him in marriage the 
daughter of Garibald 3 their king. 4 The latter received 
them kindly and promised that he would give his 

1 Probably in 588 (Hodgkin, V, 260, 261). 

1 Hartmann (II, I, 83) suggests that the silence of Secundus is 
due to the fact that the latter narrates principally the events that 
occurred in his own immediate neighborhood (in the valley of the 
Adige) and that the Franks probably crossed the Alps by some 
other route. 

3 From this name comes Garibaldi. 

4 That is, king of the Bavarians. He was more probably duke 
as he owed some sort of allegiance to Childepert, the Frankish 
king of Austrasia (Hodgkin, V, 236, note 3). 


daughter Theudelinda 1 to Authari. And when the 
ambassadors on their return announced these things to 
Authari, he desired to see his betrothed for himself and 
bringing with him a few but active men out of the 
Langobards, and also taking along with him, as their 
chief, 2 one who was most faithful to him, he set forth 
without delay for Bavaria. And when they had been 
introduced into the presence of king Garibald according 
to the custom of ambassadors, and he who had come 
with Authari as their chief had made the usual speech 
after salutation, Authari, since he was known to none of 
that nation, came nearer to king Garibald and said : 
" My master, king Authari has sent me especially on 
this account, that I should look upon your daughter, 
his betrothed, who is to be our mistress, so that I may 
be able to tell my lord more surely what is her appear- 
ance." And when the king, hearing these things, had 
commanded his daughter to come, and Authari had 
gazed upon her with silent approval, since she was of a 
very -beautiful figure and pleased him much in every 
way, he said to the king: " Since we see that the per- 
son of your daughter is such that we may properly wish 
her to become our queen, we would like if it please your 
mightiness, to take a cup of wine from her hand, as she 
will offer it to us hereafter." And when the king had 
assented to this that it should be done, she took the cup 

1 Theudelinda had been betrothed to Childepert (id.), and her 
sister was the wife of the Langobard duke Euin of Trent (III, 10, 

1 Senior, see DuCange. 

BOOK in. 139 

of wine and gave it first to him who appeared to be the 
chief.- Then when she offered it to Authari, whom she 
did not know was her affianced bridegroom, he, after 
drinking and returning the cup, touched her hand with 
his finger when no one noticed, and drew his right hand 
from his forehead along his nose and face. 1 Covered 
with blushes, she told this to her nurse, and her nurse 
said to her : " Unless this man were the king himself 
and thy promised bridegroom, he would not dare by 
any means to touch thee. But meanwhile, lest this be- 
come known to thy father, let us be silent, for in truth 
the man is a worthy person who deserves to have a 
kingdom and be united with thee in wedlock." For 
Authari indeed was then in the bloom of his youth, of 
becoming stature, covered with yellow hair and very 
comely in appearance. Having received an escort from 
the king, they presently took their way to return to 
their own country, and they speedily departed from the 
territories of the Noricans. The province of the Nori- 
cans indeed, which the Bavarian people inhabits, has on 
the east Pannonia, on the west Suavia (Swabia), on the 
south Italy and on the northern side the stream of the 
Danube. Then Authari, when he had now come near 
the boundaries of Italy and had with him the Bavarians 
who up to this time were conducting him, raised him- 
self as much as he could upon the horse he was manag- 
ing, and with all his strength he drove into a tree that 

1 Hodgkin translates more freely (V, 238): "Secretly inter- 
twined her fingers with his, and bending low, guided them over 
the profile of his face from the forehead to the chin. ' ' According 
to Abel's version he stroked her face. 


stood near by, a hatchet which he carried in his hand 
and left it fixed there, adding moreover these words : 
" Authari is wont to strike such a blow." And when he 
had said these things, then the Bavarians who accom- 
panied him understood that he was himself king 
Authari. 1 Then after some time, when trouble had come 
to king Garibald on account of an invasion by the 
Franks, Theudelinda his daughter with her brother, 
Gundoald by name, fled to Italy and announced to 
Authari, her promised bridegroom, that she was coming. 
And he straightway went forth to meet her with a great 
train to celebrate the nuptials in the field of Sardis 2 
which is above Verona, and received her in marriage 
amid the rejoicing of all on the ides (iSth) of May. 

1 In spite of this romantic legend it is probable that political 
considerations played no small part in the wooing of Authari. 
Theudelinda was, on her mother's side, the granddaughter of the 
former Langobard king Waccho, of the race of the Lethingi, with 
which Authari, who sprang from the later stock of Beleos, desired 
an alliance to give an additional sanction of legitimacy to his 
royal title. The relations of the Langobards to their northern 
neighbors the Bavarians had long been friendly, and after Authari 
had been compelled to renounce his intended alliance with the 
Franks by a marriage with Chlotsuinda, the sister of Childepert, 
he may well have desired to retain the friendship of the Bavarians, 
who although nominally subject to Childepert, had control of the 
passes over the eastern Alps, and could offer no slight obstacle to 
an invasion of Italy by the Franks. The powerful Duke of Trent 
had married a sister of Theudelinda, and his hearty support in re- 
sisting the Franks was also necessary to the king (Hartmann, II, 
i, 68). 

1 This name cannot be identified. The place must have been 
near Lago di Garda (Hodgkin, V, 239, note 2). 

BOOK III. 141 

Among other dukes of the Langobards, Agilulf, Duke 
of the city of Taurini (Turin) was then present. A 
certain tree in this place which was situated in the 
royal inclosures was hit during a violent gale by a stroke 
of lightning with great crash of thunder, and Agilulf had 
then as a soothsayer a certain servant of his who by 
diabolical art understood what future happenings strokes 
of lightning portended. When Agilulf was sitting down 
to the requirements of nature the man secretly said to 
him : " This woman who has just been wedded to our 
king is to be your wife before very long." When he 
heard this he threatened to cut off the man's head if he 
said anything further about the matter, but the man an- 
swered him : " I may be killed, indeed, but assuredly 
that woman has come into the country to this destiny, 
that she should be joined with you in marriage." And 
it afterwards so happened. At this time, from what 
cause is doubtful, Ansul, a blood kinsman of king 
Authari was killed at Verona. 


At this time also when Grippo, the ambassador of 
Childepert king of the Franks, returned from Constanti- 
nople and announced to his king how he had been 
honorably received by the emperor Maurice and that 
the emperor at the desire of king Childepert promised 
that the insults he had endured at Carthage would be 
atoned for, 1 Childepert without delay sent again into 

1 This occurred in 590. Grippo had been sent some time before 
on an embassy to Constantinople with two noblemen, Bodigisil and 


Italy an army of Franks with twenty dukes to subjugate 
the nation of the Langobards. Of these dukes Auduald, 
Olo and Cedinus were quite distinguished. But when 
Olo had imprudently attacked the fortress of Bilitio 
(Bellinzona), he fell wounded under his nipple by a dart 
and died. When the rest of the Franks had gone out 
to take booty they were destroyed by the Langobards 
who fell upon them while they were scattered in various 
places. But Auduald indeed and six dukes of the 
Franks came to the city of Mediolanum (Milan) and set 

Evantius. On their way they stopped at Carthage, where a ser- 
vant of Evantius seized in the market place some object which 
struck his fancy, whereupon the owner clamorously demanded its 
return, and one day, meeting the servant in the street, laid hold 
of him and said : "I will not let you go until you have returned 
what you stole from me, ' ' whereat the servant drew his sword and 
slew the man and returned to the inn where the ambassadors were 
staying but said nothing of the matter. The chief magistrate of 
the city collected an armed troop, went to the inn, and summoned 
the ambassadors to come out and assist in investigating the mur- 
der. Meanwhile a mob began to rush into the house. Bodigisil 
and Evantius were slain at the inn door, whereupon Grippo at the 
head of his retainers went forth fully armed, denounced the mur- 
derers of his colleagues, and said there would now never be peace 
between the Franks and Romans. The prefect endeavored to 
placate him and when Grippo reached Constantinople he was 
promised satisfaction by the emperor and reported this promise to 
his king, as appears in the text. The satisfaction afterwards 
given was that twelve men were sent bound to Childepert who 
was told that he might put them to death, or redeem their lives at 
the rate of 300 aurci (180 pounds sterling) each. Childepert, 
greatly dissatisfied, said there was no proof that the men sent to 
him had anything to do with the murder and he let them go 
(Hodgkin, 264, 267). 


f. P. 143] 

BOOK III. 143 

up their camp there some distance away on the plains. 
In this place the messengers of the emperor came to 
them announcing that his army was at hand to aid them 
and saying : " After three days we will come with them, 
and this shall be the signal to you ; when you shall see 
the houses of this country-seat which stands upon the 
mountain burning with fire, and the smoke of the confla- 
gration rising to heaven, you will know we are approach- 
ing with the army we promise." But the dukes of the 
Franks watched for six days, according to the agree- 
ment, and saw that no one came of those whom the 
messengers of the emperor had promised. Cedinus 
indeed with thirteen dukes having invaded the left side 1 
of Italy took five fortresses from which he exacted oaths 
(of fidelity). Also the army of the Franks advanced 
as far as Verona and after giving oaths (of protection), 
demolished without resistance many fortified places 
which had trusted them suspecting no treachery from 
them. And the names of the fortified places they de- 
stroyed in the territory of Tridentum (Trent) are these : 
Tesana (Tiseno), Maletum (Male), Sermiana (Sir- 
mian), Appianum (Hoch Eppan), Fagitana (Faedo), 
Cimbra (Cembra), Vitianum (Vezzano), Bremtonicum 
(Brentonico), Volaenes (Volano), Ennemase (Neu- 
markt) 2 and two in Alsuca (Val Sugana) and one in 

1 The eastern side. 

- Hodgkin (VI, 30) identifies these places : Tesana and Sermi- 
ana en the Adige, ten or twelve miles south of Meran; Maletum, 
in the Val di Sole ; Appianum, opposite Botzen ; Fagitana, be- 
tween the Adige and the Avisio, overlooking the Rotalian plain ; 
Cimbra, in the Val di Cembra on the lower Avisio; Vitianum, west 


Verona. When all these fortified places were destroyed 
by the Franks, all the citizens were led away from them 
as captives. But ransom was given for the fortified place 
of Ferrugis (Verruca), 1 upon the intercession of the 
bishops Ingenuinus of Savio (Seben) 2 and Agnellus of 
Tridentum (Trent), one solidus per head for each man 
up to six hundred solidi. 3 Meanwhile, since it was sum- 
mer time, the disease of dysentery began seriously to 
harass the army of the Franks on account of their being 
unused to the climate and by this disease very many of 
them died. Why say more? While the army of the 
Franks was wandering through Italy for three months 
and gaining no advantage it could neither avenge itself 
upon its enemies, for the reason that they betook them- 

of Trent ; Bremtonicum, between the Adige and the head of Lago 
di Garda ; Volaenes, a little north of Roveredo ; Ennemase, not 
far south of Botzen. 

'Close to Trent (Hodgkin, VI, 32). 

'Not far below Brixen on the Eisach (Hodgkin, VI, 32, note 2). 

'This chapter is a specimen of Paul's way of dovetailing his 
authorities together. The campaign of the three dukes is given 
in the main in the words of Gregory of Tours. Then comes a 
passage from the history of Secundus not agreeing with what had 
gone before, as it enumerates thirteen fortified places instead of 
five, and then, after telling of the ransom, Paul here resumes his 
text from Gregory' (Hodgkin, VI, 31, note i). 

Hodgkin gives the price of ransom at twelve shillings a head, 
or for all, three hundred and sixty pounds sterling. The language 
seems to indicate that the garrison were six hundred in number 
or it might mean that the ransom varied from one solidus for a 
common soldier to six hundred for a chieftain (Hodgkin, VI, 32, 
note 4). 

BOOK III. 145 

selves to very strong places, nor could it reach the king 
frorri'whom it might obtain retribution, since he had for- 
tified himself within the city of Ticinum (Pavia) the 
army, as we have said, having become ill from the un- 
healthiness of the climate and grievously oppressed with 
hunger, determined to go back home. And while they 
were returning to their own country they endured such 
stress of famine that they offered first their own clothes 
and afterwards also their arms to buy food before they 
reached their native soil. x 


It is believed that what is related of king Authari oc- 
curred about this time. For the report is that that king 
then came through Spoletium (Spoleto) to Beneventum 
(Benevento) and took possession of that region and 
passed on as far even as Regium (Reggio), the last city 
of Italy next to Sicily, and since it is said that a certain 
column is placed there among the waves of the sea, that 
he went up to it sitting upon his horse and touched it 
with the point of his spear saying: "The territories of 
the Langobards will be up to this place." The column 

1 The Byzantine account of this campaign of the year 590 is 
given in two letters written by the exarch Romanus to Childepert, 
stating that before the arrival of the Franks, the Romans had 
taken Modena, Altino and Mantua, that when Cedinus was en- 
camped near Verona they were upon the point of joining him and 
supporting him by their light vessels on the river, intending with 
him to besiege Pavia and capture king Authari, and that they 
were amazed to learn that Cedinus had made a ten months' truce 
with the Langobards and had marched out of the country (Hodg- 
kin, V, 271-274). 


is said to be there down to the present time and to be 
called the Column of Authari. ' 


But the first duke of the Langobards in Beneventum * 
was named Zotto, and he ruled in it for the space of 
twenty years. 3 

1 Chapter XXXII is not believed to be historical but to belong 
to the domain of saga and perhaps of epic song (Bruckner, p. 1 8, 
note 3 ; and Pabst, 453, note i ; see Hodgkin, V, 235 and 236, 
note i). Beneventum was established before Authari' s time 
(Pabst, 453 and note i). 

* Benevento stands in an amphitheater of hills overlooking the 
two rivers Galore and Sabato, which afterwards unite and form 
the Voltorno. It was a city of the Samnites, possibly once inhab- 
ited by Etruscans. At the time of the third Samnite war, B. C. 
298 to 290, it passed under the dominion of Rome. It was situ- 
ated on the great Appian Way from Rome to Brundisium and 
upon the great road afterwards built by Trajan, also on a branch 
of the Latin Way, a road connecting it with the north-east of 
Latium, and it was a place of the utmost importance as a military 
position, commanding the southern portion of Italy (Hodgkin, VI, 

8 No passage in Paul has given a harder task to investigators 
than this chapter. 'Five different opinions (Waitz) have arisen 
from it as to the origin of the important duchy of Benevento. The 
twenty years attributed to Zotto' s reign are reckoned, as Hart- 
mann thinks (II, i, 54), from the year 569, which was regarded 
as the commencement of Langobard domination in Italy, and was 
thus transferred to Benevento, and he does not believe that this 
duchy was established at so early a period. Hodgkin (VI, 71, 
note i, and 73) argues that Zotto' s reign began probably about 
571, and ended about 591 (see Hirsch, History of the Duchy of 
Beneventum, Chap. I). 

The duchy of Benevento is often spoken of as the duchy of the 

BOOK III. 147 


Meanwhile king Authari dispatched an embassy with 
words of peace to Gu nth ram, king of the Franks, 1 the 
uncle of king Childepert. The ambassadors were re- 
ceived pleasantly by him but were directed to Childe- 
pert who was a nephew on his brother's side, so that by 
his assent 2 peace should be confirmed with the nation 
of the Langobards. This Gunthram indeed of whom 
we have spoken was a peaceful king and eminent in 
every good quality. Of him we may briefly insert in 
this history of ours one very remarkable occurrence, 
especially since we know that it is not at all contained 
in the history of the Franks. When he went once upon 
a time into the woods to hunt, and, as often happens, 
his companions scattered hither and thither, and he re- 
mained with only one, a very faithful friend of his, he 
was oppressed with heavy slumber and laying his head 
upon the knees of this same faithful companion, he fell 
asleep. From his mouth a little animal in the shape of 
a reptile came forth and began to bustle about seeking 
to cross a slender brook which flowed near by. Then 
he in whose lap (the king) was resting laid his sword, 
which he had drawn from its scabbard, over this brook 
and upon it that reptile of which we have spoken passed 
over to the other side. And when it had entered into a 
certain hole in the mountain not far off, and having re- 

Samnites (IV, 44, 46; VI, 2, 29, infra). It lasted until the latter 
part of the eleventh century (Hodgkin, VI, 69). 

1 More properly, king of Burgundy (Hodgkin, V, 275). 

* Read nutum instead of notum. 


turned after a little time, had crossed the aforesaid brook 
upon the same sword, it again went into the mouth of 
Gunthram from which it had come forth. When Gunth- 
ram was afterwards awakened from sleep he said he had 
seen a wonderful vision. For he related that it had 
seemed to him in his slumbers that he had passed over 
a certain river by an iron bridge and had gone in under a 
certain mountain where he had gazed upon a great mass 
of gold. The man however, on whose lap he had held his 
head while he was sleeping, related to him in order what 
he had seen of it. Why say more? That place was 
dug up and countless treasures were discovered which 
had been put there of old. x Of this gold the king him- 
self afterwards made a solid canopy 2 of wonderful size 
and great weight and wished to send it, adorned with 
many precious gems, to Jerusalem to the sepulcher of 
our Lord. But when he could not at all do this he 
caused it to be placed over the body of St. Marcellus 
the martyr who was buried in the city of Cabillonum 3 
(Chalon-Sur-Saone) where the capital of his kingdom 
was, and it is there down to the present day. Nor is 
there anywhere any work made of gold which may be 
compared to it. But having touched briefly upon these 
things, which were worthy of the telling, let us come 
back to our history. 

In the meantime, while king Authari's messengers 

1 See Chap. X, supra, note at the end. 

3 Ciborium. Italian, baldacchino (Hodgkin, V, 202). 

1 Founded by Gunthram (Giansevero). 

BOOK III. 149 

were stopping in France, king Authari, after he had 
reigned six years, r died at Ticinum (Pavia) on the Nones 
(5th) of September 2 from poison he had taken, as they 
relate. And straightway an embassy was sent by the 
Langobards to Childepert, king of the Franks to an- 
nounce to him the death of king Authari and to ask for 
peace from him. And when he heard this, he received 
the messengers indeed but promised that he would give 
peace at a future time. After some days, however, he 
dismissed the aforesaid messengers with the promise of 
peace. But because queen Theudelinda pleased the 
Langobards greatly, they allowed her to remain in her 
royal dignity, advising her to choose for herself whomso- 
ever she might wish from all the Langobards ; such a 
one, namely, as could profitably manage the kingdom. 
And she, taking counsel with the prudent, chose Agilulf, 
duke of the people of Turin as her husband and king of 
the nation of the Langobards, for he was a man ener- 
getic and warlike and fitted as well in body as in mind 
for the government of the kingdom. The queen 
straightway sent word to him to come to her and she 
hastened to meet him at the town of Laumellum (Lu- 
mello). 3 And when he had come to her, she, after 
some speech with him, caused wine to be brought, 
and when she had first quaffed it, she handed the rest 

1 Seven years, says the Origo six years and six months, says the 
Continuer of Prosper (Waitz). 

* A. D. 590, a date which is well established (Hodgkin, V, 275, 
note 3). 

*A little north of the Po, about twenty miles west of Pavia 
(Hodgkin, V, 283, note 2). 


to Agilulf to drink. And when he had taken the cup 
and had reverently kissed her hand, the queen said smil- 
ing with a blush, that he should not kiss her hand who 
ought to imprint a kiss upon her lips. And straightway 
raising him up to kiss her, she unfolded to him the sub- 
ject of their marriage and of the sovereign dignity. 
Why say more? The nuptials were celebrated with 
great rejoicing and Agilulf, who was a kinsman of king 
Authari on the mother's side, x assumed the royal dignity 
at the beginning of the month of November. a Later 
however, in the month of May when the Langobards 
had met together in one place, he was raised to the sov- 
ereignty by all at Mediolanum. 

1 Hartmann (II, i, 121) doubts this relationship. 

* Waitz doubts this legend and believes that Agilulf obtained 
the crown by violence, citing the Crigo and the Continuer of 
Prosper, but in these there is no actual contradiction of the text, 
as they simply say that Agilulf married Theudelinda and became 
king (Hodgkin, V, 283, note 4, 284). The fact, however, that 
the occurrences related must have taken place, if at all, within 
two months of the death of her first husband, detracts much from 
the charm of this otherwise delightful saga and adds something to 
its improbability (Hartmann, II, I, 98, 99). Most likely Agilulf 
seized the crown and married Theudelinda, the granddaughter of 
king Waccho, to acquire for his royal title some claim to legitimacy. 

Agilulf, one of the great kings of the Langobards, was said to 
be of Thuringian extraction, though it is possible this statement is 
due to a misunderstanding of his title as duke of Turin (Hartmann, 
II, i, 121). Theudelinda was descended on her father's side 
from the Bavarians, the former Marcomanni, who after a long 
sojourn to Bohemia, were settled in the region now known as 
Bavaria. Theudelinda virtually established a new dynasty in 
Italy and her descendants reigned down to the fifth generation 
(Hodgkin, V, 285, 286). 



When therefore Agilulf, who was also called Ago, 
had been confirmed in the royal dignity 1 he sent 
Agnellus,* Bishop of Tridentum (Trent) to France for 
the sake of those who had been led captive by the 
Franks from the fortified places of Tridentum. And 
Agnellus, on his return thence, brought back with him 
a number of captives whom Brunihilde, 3 the queen of 
the Franks had ransomed with her own money. Also 
Euin, duke of the people of Trent, proceeded to Gaul 
to obtain peace and when he had procured it he re- 


In this year there was a very severe drought from the 
month of January to the month of September and there 
occurred a dreadful famine. There came also into the 
territory of Tridentum a great quantity of locusts which 
were larger than other locusts, and, wonderful to relate, 
fed upon grasses and marsh seeds, but hardly touched 

J May, 591 (Waitz). 

2 Hartmann (II, i, 84) believes that the statement that Agnellus 
was acting on behalf of the Langobards in this matter was a mis- 
take due to the fact that Paul considered that the Catholic bishop 
of Trent was in Langobard territory. 

*Cf. Ill, 10 supra. 


the crops of the fields. And they appeared also in like 
manner the following year. 


In these days king Agilulf put to death Mimulf, duke 
of the island of St. Julian, 1 because he had on a pre- 
vious occasion treasonably surrendered to the dukes of 
the Franks. Gaidulf indeed, the Bergamascan duke, 
rebelled in his city of Pergamus (Bergamo) and forti- 
fied himself against the king, but afterwards gave host- 
ages and made peace with his sovereign. Again 
Gaidulf shut himself up in the island of Comacina. 3 
But king Agilulf invaded this island and drove Gaidulf's 
men out of it and carried away to Ticinum (Pavia) the 
treasure he had found placed there by the Romans. 3 
But Gaidulf again fled to Pergamus (Bergamo) and was 
there taken by king Agilulf and again received into 
favor. Also duke Ulfari rebelled against king Ago at 
Tarvisium (Treviso), and was beseiged and captured by 


In this year the inguinal plague was again at Ravenna, 
Gradus (Grado) and Istria, and was very grievous as it 
had also been thirty years before. At this time too 
king Agilulf made peace with the Avars. Childepert 

1 A small island in the Lago d' Orta (Giansevero), west of lake 

3 In lake Como. 
Cf. Ill, 27 supra. 

BOOK IV. 153 

also waged with his cousin x the son of Hilperic," a war 
in which as many as thirty thousand men fell in battle. 
The winter was then very cold, so that hardly anyone 
recalled its like before. Also in the region of the 
Briones (Brenner) blood flowed from the clouds, and 
among the waters of the river Remiss (Reno) a rivulet 
of blood arose. 


In these days 4 the most wise and holy Pope Gregory, 
of the city of Rome, after he had written many other 
things for the service of the holy church, also composed 
four books of the Life of the Saints. This writing he 
called a dialogue, that is, the conversation of two per- 
sons, because he had produced it talking with his deacon 
Peter. The aforesaid pope then sent these books to 
queen Theudelinda, whom he knew to be undoubtedly 
devoted to the faith of Christ and conspicuous in good 


By means of this queen too, the church of God ob- 
tained much that was serviceable. For the Langobards, 
when they were still held in the error of heathenism, 
seized nearly all the property of the churches, but the 
king, moved by her wholesome supplication, not only 

1 On the mother's side. 

* Chlotar II. 

8 Between Ferrara and Bologna. Or was this Rhenus the Rhine ? 

* A. D. 593 (Waitz). 


held the Catholic faith, 1 but also bestowed many posses- 
sions upon the church of Christ and restored to the 
honor of their wonted dignity bishops who were in a 
reduced and abject condition. 


In these days Tassilo was ordained king 2 among the 
Bavarians by Childepert, king of the Franks. And he 
presently entered with his army into the province of the 
Sclabi (Slavs), and when he had obtained the victory, 
he returned to his own land with very great booty. 


Also at this time, Romanus, the patrician and exarch 
of Ravenna, proceeded to Rome. On his return to 
Ravenna he re-occupied the cities that were held by the 
Langobards, of which the names are as follows : Sutrium 
(Sutri), Polimartium (Bomarzo), Hortas (Orte),Tuder 
(Todi), Ameria (Amelia), Perusia (Perugia), Luceolis 3 
(Cantiano), and some other cities. When this fact 
was announced to king Agilulf, he straightway marched 
out of Ticinum with a strong army and attacked the 

1 Paul is probably mistaken in this. Theudelinda the queen was 
a Catholic, but Agilulf, although tolerant, and allowing his son to 
be baptized as a Catholic, appears from the letters of St. Gregory 
and St. Columban not to have become one himself (Hodgkin, VI, 
140 to 144). 

*A. D. 595 (Giansevero). 

All these were later in the States of the Church. Three of 
them were important stages on the Via Flamminia connecting 
Rome with Ravenna (Hodgkin, V, 367). 

BOOK IV. 155 

city of Perusia, and there for some days he besieged 
Maurjsio, the duke of the Langobards, who had gone 
over to the side of the Romans, and without delay took 
him and deprived him of life. The blessed Pope Gre- 
gory was so much alarmed at the approach of this king 
that he desisted from his commentary upon the temple 
mentioned in Ezekiel, as he himself also relates in his 
homilies. 1 King Agilulf then, when matters were ar- 
ranged, returned to Ticinum (Pavia), and not long 
afterwards, upon the special suggestion of his wife, 
Queen Theudelinda since the blessed Pope Gregory 
had often thus admonished her in his letters he con- 
cluded a firm peace 2 with the same most holy man 
Pope Gregory and with the Romans, 3 and that venerable 

1 See Book II on Ezekiel. The passage is given in full in 
Waitz's note. See Homily XXII. 

*Paul is in error here in his chronology, Agilulf 's expedition 
against Perugia and Rome was in 594, or according to Hodgkin 
(V. 369) in 593. The peace was concluded in the latter part of 
598 (Jacobi, 27) or more probably in 599 (Hodgkin, V, 415). 

8 In this chapter Paul gives a very short and insufficient account 
of a period filled with important events. In the year 592, duke 
Ariulf of Spoleto, a town on the way from Ravenna to Rome, 
-ontinually threatened the communication between these two 
cities and captured a number of other places belonging to the 
empire, and Arichis duke of Benevento, co-operating with Ariulf, 
pressed hard upon Naples. About the end of July (Hodgkin, 
V, p. 363) Pope Gregory concluded a separate peace with Ariulf 
which aroused great indignation at Ravenna and Constantinople 
because it was beyond the authority of the Pope to make such 
peace with an independent power. It would seem that it was this 
action which stirred the exarch Romanus to his campaign in which 
he recovered the cities mentioned by Paul, that had probably 


prelate sent to this queen the following letter in expres- 
sion of his thanks : 


" Gregory to Theudelinda, queen of the Langobards. 
We have learned from the report of our son, the abbot 
Probus, that your Excellency has devoted yourself, as 
you are wont, zealously and benevolently, to making 
peace. Nor was it to be expected otherwise from your 
Christianity but that you would show to all your labor 
and your goodness in the cause of peace. Wherefore 
we render thanks to Almighty God, who so rules your 
heart by His affection, that He has not only given you 
the true faith, but He also grants that you devote your- 
self always to the things that are pleasing to Him. For 
think not, most excellent daughter, that you have ob- 
tained but little reward for staying the blood which 

fallen into Ariulf s possession. Now Agilulf took the field and 
after capturing Perugia marched on Rome, and Pope Gregory, 
from the battlements of the city, saw the captive Romans driven 
from the Campagna, roped together with halters around their 
necks on their way to slavery. The Pope made vigorous prepar- 
ations for the defense of the city but no assault was made. One 
of the early chroniclers known as the Copenhagen Continuer of 
Prosper, says Agilulf relinquished the siege because he was 
melted by the prayers of Gregory. This statement has been 
doubted (Hodgkin, V, 372) and perhaps other causes, fever, dis- 
affection, the impregnability of the place or the rebellion of the 
Langobard dukes may have led to his return. But the Pope be- 
gan at once to work for peace between Agilulf and the empire. 
The emperor Maurice and the exarch Romanus laid many ob- 
stacles in the way, and it was not until the death of Romanus and 
the succession of Callinicus that peace was concluded. 

BOOK IV. 157 

would otherwise have been poured out upon both sides. 
On account of this thing we return thanks for your good 
will and invoke the mercy of our God that He may 
weigh out to you a requital of good things in body and 
soul, here and hereafter. Saluting you, moreover, with 
fatherly love, we exhort you that you so proceed with 
your most excellent husband that he may not reject the 
alliance of our Christian Republic. For, as we think 
you also know, it is expedient in many ways that he 
should be willing to betake himself to its friendship. 
Do you, therefore, according to your custom, ever busy 
yourself with the things that relate to the welfare of the 
parties and take pains to commend your good deeds 
more fully in the eyes of Almighty God, where an 
opportunity may be given to win His reward." 

Likewise his letter to king Agilulf: "Gregory to 
Agilulf, king of the Langobards. We render thanks to 
your Excellency that, hearing our petition, you have 
declared peace (as we had faith you would), which will 
be of advantage to both parties. Wherefore we strongly 
praise the prudence and goodness of your Excellency, 
because in loving peace you show that you love God 
who is its author. If it had not been made, which God 
forbid ! what could have happened but that the blood 
of the wretched peasants, whose labor helps us both, 
would be shed to the sin and ruin of both parties ? But 
that we may feel the advantage of this same peace as it 
has been made by you, we pray, saluting you with 
fatherly love, that as often as occasion shall be given, 
you may*by your letters admonish your dukes in var- 
ious places and especially those stationed in these parts, 


that they keep this peace inviolably, as has been prom- 
ised, and that they do not seek for themselves opportu- 
nities from which may spring any strife or dissatisfaction, 
so that we may be able to render thanks for your good 
will. We have received indeed the bearers of these 
present letters, as being in fact your servants, in the af- 
fection which was due, because it was just that we should 
receive and dismiss with Christian love wise men who 
announced a peace made with God's approval." ' 


Meanwhile, in the following month of January, a 
comet appeared morning and evening through the whole 
month. And in this month also John, archbishop of 
Ravenna, died and Marianus, a Roman citizen, was sub- 
stituted in his place. Also Euin, the duke of Trent, 
being dead, duke Gaidoald, a good man and a Catholic 
in religion, was assigned to that place. And in these 
same days, while the Bavarians, to the number of thirty 
thousand men, attacked the Slavs, the Cagan 2 fell upon 
them and all were killed. Then for the first time wild 

'This letter is said to have been written Dec., 598 (Hodgkin, 
V, 419, note), though this was before the peace was finally con- 
cluded. Probably the preliminary negotiations had been then 

*Thus the king of the Avars or Huns was called (Giansevero), 
and this is the probable meaning of the title in this place, but the 
term is also applied to the chiefs of the Russians or Muscovites 
(see DuCange), hence perhaps here to the chief of the Slavs. It 
was a generic name like "Caesar," "Augustus," " Flavius " 
among the Romans. The word "Khan" is evidently derived 
from it (Giansevero, p. 140). 

BOOK IV. 159 

horses and buffaloes ' were brought into Italy, and were 
objects of wonder to the people of that country. 


Also at this time Childepert, king of the Franks, in 
the twenty-fifth year of his age, was murdered, as is 
said, together with his wife, by poison. 2 The Huns, 
too, who are also called Avars, entered Thuringia from 
Pannonia and waged desperate wars with the Franks. 
Queen Brunihilde, with her grandsons Theudepert and 
Theuderic who were still little boys, was then reigning 
over Gaul and the Huns took money from them and 
returned home. Also Gunthram, king of the Franks, 
died, and queen Brunihilde, with her grandsons, the 
sons of Childepert, who were still little children, as- 
sumed his royal authority. 


At the same time the Cagan, king of the Huns, send- 
ing messengers to Mediolanum (Milan) to Agilulf, made 
peace with him.3 Also the patrician Romanus died 4 and 
Gallicinus s succeeded him and entered into a treaty of 
peace with king Agilulf. 6 

1 Bubalus is probably /3<w/3aAof "buffalo," or possibly /3ovj3aMf, 
an African deer or antelope. 

2 A. D. 593 (Hodgkin, V, 345). 

* Some time between 593 and 600 (Hodgkin, V, 422, note 3). 

*A. D. 596 or 597 (Hodgkin, V, 409). 

5 His proper name was Callinicus (Hodgkin, V, 410). 

8 This was the peace in regard to which Gregory wrote the pre- 
ceding letters to Theudelinda and Agilulf. It was only a peace 
for two years (Hodgkin, V, 418, 420, 428). 



At this time also Agilulf made perpetual peace with 
Theuderic, king of the Franks. Afterwards king Ago 
put to death Zangrulf, duke of Verona, who rebelled 
against him. He also slew Gaidulf, duke of Pergamus 
(Bergamo), whom he had already spared twice. Also 
in like manner he put to death Warnecautius at Ticinum 


At a subsequent time a very severe plague again de- 
vastated Ravenna and those places which were around 
the shores of the sea. Also in the following year a 
great mortality wasted the people of Verona. 


Then also a bloody sign was seen appearing in heaven, 
and as it were, bloody lances and a very brilliant light 
through the whole night. Theudepert king of the 
Franks at that time waged war with his cousin Clothar 
and violently overthrew his army. 


In the following year duke Ariulf who had succeeded 
Faruald 1 at Spoletium (Spoleto) died. This Ariulf, 
when he had waged war against the Romans at Cameri- 
num (Camerino) 2 and had gotten the victory, 3 began 

'Faruald died about 591 (Waitz). The name is also spelled 
Faroald, see infra. 

1 A city of Picenum on the east side of the Apennines near the 
boundaries of Umbria. 

* The campaign of Ariulf, including probably a siege of Rome, 

BOOK IV. l6l 

to inquire of his men who that man was whom he had 
seen fighting so vigorously in the war he had waged. 
And when his men answered that they had not seen 
anyone there acting more bravely than the duke him- 
self, he said : " Surely I saw another man there much 
and in every way better than I, and as often as any one 
of the opposite side attempted to strike me, that active 
man always protected me with his shield." And when 
the duke himself had come near Spoletium (Spoleto) 
where stands the church of the blessed martyr, the bishop 
'Savinus, ' in which his venerable body reposes, Ariulf 
asked to whom belonged this spacious abode. It was 
answered him by devout men that the martyr Savinus 
reposed there whom Christians were wont to invoke in 
their aid as often as they went to war against their 
enemies. And Ariulf, since up to this time he was a 
heathen, thus answered : " And can it be that a dead 
man can give any aid to one living?" And when he 
had said this, he leaped down from his horse and went 
into the church to look at it. And then while the others 
were praying he began to admire the pictures of that 

had taken place some time before this in 592, and had ended in 
a partial peace concluded by Pope Gregory with the Langobard 
duke, due to the veneration aroused in the heart of Ariulf by a 
personal interview with the pontiff. This was the peace that ex- 
posed the pope to bitter reproaches at Constantinople (Hodgkin, 
VI, 93) and was possibly the occasion of the campaign of Romanus 
against the cities that had been taken by the Langobards (IV, 8 

1 Hodgkin suggests (V, 365, note 3) that this may be a mistake 
as Savinus (or Sabinus) was patron saint, not of Spoleto but Cam- 


church. And when he had beheld the painted figure of 
the blessed martyr Savinus he straightway said and de- 
clared with an oath that that man who had protected 
him in battle had in every way such a form and bearing. 
Then it was understood that the blessed martyr Savinus 
had brought him help in battle. Upon the death of 
Ariulf, after two sons of Faroald the former duke had 
contended between themselves for the dukedom, one of 
them, Teudelapius by name, was crowned with victory 
and received the dukedom. ' 


About this time the monastery of the blessed father 
Benedict w 7 hich was situated in the stronghold of Cas- 
inum (Monte Cassino) was attacked at night by the 
Langobards, 2 and although they plundered everything, 
they could not get hold of one of the monks. This was 
in fulfilment of a prophecy of the venerable father Bene- 
dict, which he had made long before, in which he said : 
" I have been able with difficulty to obtain from God 
that the souls from this place should be yielded to me. "3 

1 Ariulf died in 60 1, about ten years after his accession and king 
Agilulf appears to have had little hand in regulating the succes- 
sion, since this was decided by battle between the two sons of 
Faruald. Teudelapius kept the dukedom of Spoleto for more than 
half a century (60 1 to 653), during which time there were four 
kings at Pavia (Hodgkin, VI, 95, 96). 

*This attack actually occurred A. D. 589, not 601, the date of 
Ariulf 's death (Jacobi, 25. 26). Some historians indeed place it 
as early as 582 (Giansevero). 

'The whole prophecy was (see Dialogues Gregory the Great, II, 
chap. 17), "All this monastery that I built and all things that I 

BOOK IV. 163 

The monks fled from this place and made their way to 
Rome carrying with them the manuscript of the Holy 
Rule (of the order) which the aforesaid father had com- 
posed, and certain other writings and also a pound of 
bread and a measure of wine, and whatever of their 
household goods they had been able to snatch away. 
Subsequently to the blessed Benedict indeed, Constan- 
tine governed that fraternity; after him Simplicius; 
after him Vitalis ; finally Bonitus under whom this de- 
struction occurred. 


On the death of Zotto, duke of Beneventum (Bene- 
vento), 1 Arigis (or Arichis), sent by king Agilulf, suc- 
ceeded to his place. He had come originally from 
Forum Julii (Cividale) and had educated the sons of 
Gisulf, 3 duke of Forum Julii (Friuli), and was a blood 

prepared for the brothers, have been delivered to the heathen by 
the judgment of God Almighty. I have been able with difficulty, 

1 A. D. 591. He had pushed his ravages far into Apulia 
Lucania and Calabria, apparently acting independently of the 
Langobard kingdom in the north of Italy (Hodgkin, VI, 73). 

1 Arichis was duke in 591, as appears from a letter of Gregory 
the Great (Epist., I!, 46). How then could Grimoald, the son of 
Gisulf, who was a little boy during the Avar invasion of 610 (IV, 37 
infra), have been one of his pupils before 591 ? Even Grimoald' s 
elder brothers Taso and Cacco were young enough for the eldest 
to be adopted by the exarch after his father's death about 612, 
and could hardly have been born before 585, six years before 
Arichis became duke of Beneventum. Hodgkin believes (VI, 74, 
note) that it was the children of an earlier generation whom 


relation of that same Gisulf. There exists a letter of 
the blessed Pope Gregory to this Arigis drawn up in 
the following terms : 


" Gregory to Duke Arogis : 

" Since we trust in your Highness as indeed in our own 
son, we are moved to make a request of you in a way 
confidentially, thinking that you will not at all suffer us 
to be disappointed, especially in a matter from which 
your soul may be greatly benefitted. We inform you 
then that a considerable number of wooden beams are 
needful to us for the churches of the blessed Peter and 
Paul, and therefore we have enjoined our sub-deacon 
Savintis to cut a number in the region of Brittii (Cala- 
bria) and to bring them to a suitable place by the 
sea. And because he needs assistance in this thing, 
we ask, saluting your Highness with paternal love, that 
you should charge your managers 2 who are in that place 

Arichis instructed, perhaps the children of Grasulf I, and that 
afterwards, when Arichis received the two young princes Radoald 
and Grimoald a-t his court (IV, 39 infra), it was the sons of one of 
his old pupils that he welcomed to Beneventum. Other com- 
mentators believe that Paul was altogether wrong. 

Arichis practically acted as an independent sovereign, making 
war with Naples and Rome, and king Agilulf could not conclude 
a peace with the empire till Arichis assented. When Arichis died 
the king of the Langobards does not seem to have been consulted 
in the appointment of his successor (Hodgkin, VI, 75). 

1 Spelled thus in the oldest manuscripts and also in the letters 
of Gregory. 

* Action arii. These were subordinate officials of the king 

BOOK IV. 165 

to send the men who are under them with their oxen to 
his assistance, so that with your aid he can the better 
perform what we have enjoined upon him. And we 
promise that when the thing is finished, we will send to 
you a worthy gift which will not be displeasing, for we 
know how to regard and to recompense our sons who 
show us good will. Whence we ask again, illustrious 
son, that you should so act that we can be debtors to 
you for the favor shown and that you may have a re- 
ward for (your services to) the churches of the saints." 


In these days the daughter of king Agilulf was taken 
from the city of Parma, together with her husband 
named Gudescalc (Gottschalk), by the army of the 
patrician Gallicinus (Callinicus), and they were brought 
to the city of Ravenna. At this time also king Agilulf 
sent to the Cagan, the king of the Avars, workmen for 
the making of ships with which that Cagan afterwards 
conquered a certain island in Thrace. * 

who stood in rank under the gastaldi, and appear to have had 
charge of particular domains of the king, or (in Benevento and 
Spoleto) of the duke (Pabst, 493). 

1 Although these shipwrights were probably Romans, the inci- 
dent shows the general acceptance by the Langobards of the in- 
dustrial arts of the people they had conquered. The history of 
these changes is given in Hartmann, II, 2, chap. I, in detail, see 
pp. 19-22. See also chap. 22, infra, where their change in 
dress is noted. 



At the same time queen Theudelinda dedicated the 
church of St. John the Baptist, which she had built in 
Modicia (Monza), a place which is twelve miles above 
Mediolanum (Milan). And she decorated it with many 
ornaments of gold and silver and endowed it amply 
with estates. In this place also Theuderic, the former 
king of the Goths, had constructed his palace, because 
the place, since it is near the Alps, is temperate and 
healthful in summer time. 


There also the aforesaid queen built herself a palace, 
in which she caused to be painted something of the 
achievements of the Langobards. In this painting it is 
clearly shown in what way the Langobards at that time 
cut their hair, and what was their dress and what their 
appearance. They shaved the neck, and left it bare up 
to the back of the head, having their hair hanging down 
on the face as far as the mouth and parting it on either 
side by a part in the forehead. Their garments were 
loose and mostly linen, such as the Anglo-Saxons are 
wont to wear, 1 ornamented with broad borders woven in 
various colors. Their shoes, indeed, were open almost 
up to the tip of the great toe, and were held on by shoe 
latchets interlacing alternately. But later they began 
to wear trousers, 2 over which they put leggins of shaggy 

1 This is said to be the first appearance in literature of the word 
"Anglo-Saxon" (Hodgkin, V, 154, note 4). 

1 The monk of Salerno says that kin^ Adaloald (A. D. 616-626) 
was the first who wore trousers (Abel, note). 

BOOK IV. 167 

woolen cloth 1 when they rode. But they had taken 
that from a custom of the Romans. 


Up to this time the city of Patavium (Padua) had 
rebelled against the Langobards, the soldiers resisting 
very bravely. But at last when fire was thrown into it, 
it was all consumed by the devouring flames and was 
razed to the ground by command of king Agilulf. The 
soldiers, however, who were in it were allowed to return 
to Ravenna. 


At this time the ambassadors of Agilulf who returned 
from the Cagan announced a perpetual peace made with 
the Avars. Also an ambassador of the Cagan came 
with them and proceeded to Gaul, demanding of the 
kings of the Franks that they should keep peace with 
the Langobards the same as with the Avars. Mean- 
while the Langobards invaded the territories of the 
Istrians 2 with the Avars and the Slavs, and laid waste 
everything with burnings and plunderings. 

1 Tubrugos birreos. Hodgkin considers (V, 154, 155) that the 
explanation quoted in Waitz' s note ' ' Byrrus vestis est amphimallus 
villosus" (having the nap on both sides), according to which the 
birrus was a sort of waterproof cape thrown over other garments 
when it rained, seems to throw most light on this passage. (See 

2 Istria still remained under Byzantine dominion up to the year 
751 (Abel). This raid was probably about 601 (Hodgkin, V, 
430, note i). 



There was then born to Agilulf the king, by his queen 
Theudelinda, in the palace of Modicia (Monza), a son 
who was called Adaloald. At a subsequent time the 
Langobards attacked the fortress of Mons Silicis (Mon- 
selice).* During the same period, at Ravenna, after 
Gallicinus (Callinicus) had been driven away, Smarag- 
dus, who had before been patrician of Ravenna, re- 
turned. 2 


Then the emperor Maurice, after he had ruled the 
empire twenty-one years, was killed, together with his 
sons Theodosius and Tiberius and Constantine, by Focas 
(Phocas) who was the master of horse of Priscus the 
patrician. But he had been very useful to the state, for 
he had often obtained victory when contending against 
the enemy. The Huns too, who are also called Avars, 
were subjugated by his prowess. 3 

1 A little south of Padua (Abel). 

2 A. D. 602 (Hodgkin, V, 431). 

* During the reign of Maurice a radical change began to take 
place in the permanent government of those parts of Italy which 
remained subject to Byzantium. The invasion of the Langobards, 
which was at first believed to be a mere temporary incursion, had 
been followed by their settlement in the country, and although 
Maurice would not abandon the hope of expelling them, it was 
found more and more necessary to accept their presence as a per- 
manent condition. The continual wars had given rise to special 
military jurisdiction conferred upon the chief officers of the empire, 
which was temporary at first, then often renewed, and at last per- 
manent. The exarch remained the personal representative of the 

BOOK IV. 169 

Gaidoald duke of Tridentum (Trent) and Gisulf of 

emperor, with full powers, including the right to conclude a tem- 
porary truce with the Langobards, though not a lasting peace and 
alliance (Hartmann, II, i, 125). The frontier towns were forti- 
fied and permanent garrisons were established in them which 
were recruited from the neighborhood; the civil municipalities be- 
came transformed into military governments; each of the larger 
fortified places had a tribune as a special commandant of the city, 
and the tribunes were under the authority of a magister militurn 
or of a duke who commanded the frontier district and who was 
named by the exarch. These officers gradually took the place of 
the former provincial civil governors, and a military corporation, 
the numerus, succeeded the municipality (id., pp. 126 to 135). 
The military officials began to acquire extensive landed interests, 
the remnant of small land-owners became more completely sub- 
ject to the large proprietors, and the foundations of something 
which afterwards resembled a feudal tenure began to be laid 
(p. 136). Under Phocas the relations between Italy and Con- 
stantinople became greatly relaxed and there was a decided weak- 
ening of the imperial power. Commerce suffered in the general 
disorganization of the empire, and the means of communication 
were neglected. On the other hand there was a growing disposi- 
tion to come to terms with the Langobards, although as yet an 
armistice for a limited time, but often renewed, was all the con- 
cession that could be made, as the emperor was apparently still 
unwilling to recognize the permanency of Langobard domination 
(id., 198, 199). The exarch Smaragdus, whom Phocas had sent 
to Italy, co-operated more heartily than his predecessors with the 
pope (id., 200), and the new emperor issued a decree upholding 
the authority and primacy of the Roman See (Paul, IV, 36, infra). 
Active proceedings were renewed against the schismatics of Istria 
and Venetia, whose bishops now betook themselves to the protec- 
tion of duke Gisulf of Friuli and of king Agilulf. The schismatic 
bishop John was consecrated as their patriarch in Cividale and the 


Forum Julii (Friuli), who were previously separated by 
strife from the companionship of king Agilulf, were 
taken back by him this year in peace. 1 Then also was 
the above-named boy Adaloald, the son of king Agilulf, 
baptized in St. John in Modicia CMonza) 2 and was re- 
ceived from the font 3 by Secundus of Trent, a servant 
of Christ of whom we have often made mention. 4 The 
day of the Easter festival was at that time on the seventh 
day before the ides of April (April 7). 


In these days the Langobards still had a quarrel with 
the Romans on account of the captivity of the king's 
daughter. 5 For this reason king Agilulf departed from 
Mediolanum (Milan) in the month of July, besieged 
the city of Cremona with the Slavs whom the Cagan, 
king of the Avars, had sent to his assistance and took it 

empire lost their support (IV, 33, infra, Hartmann, II, i, 201). 
We even find some of them afterwards taking part on the side of 
the Arian king Arioald against the Catholic Adaloald in the con- 
test for the Langobard crown (id., p. 208). 

1 If this year refers to the death of Maurice, it is 602; if it be 
connected with the baptism of Adaloald, that occurred in 603 
(Hodgkin, VI, 34, note i). 

'Probably April 7, 603 (Hodgkin, V, 430, note 3). 

8 As his godson. 

*Only once (III, 29, supra) and once afterwards (IV, 40, infra), 
but a great part of this book seems to be taken from his work. 
This baptism was a triumph for the Catholic faith over Arianism. 
Agilulf s predecessor Authari had forbidden the Langobard nobles 
to have their children baptized by Catholics (Hodgkin, V, 430). 

* See chapter 20, supra. 


on the twelfth day before the calends of September 
(August 21st) 1 and razed it to the ground. In like 
manner he also assaulted Mantua, and having broken 
through its walls with battering-rams he entered it on 
the ides (i3th) of September, 2 and granted the soldiers 
who were in it the privilege of returning to Ravenna. 
Then also the fortress which is called Vulturina (Val- 
doria) 3 surrendered to the Langobards ; the soldiers 
indeed fled, setting fire to the town of Brexillus (Bres- 
cello). 4 When these things were accomplished, the 
daughter of the king was restored by Smaragdus the 
patrician with her husband and children and all her 
property. In the ninth month peace was made up to 
the calends (first) of April of the eighth indiction.s 
The daughter of the king, indeed, presently returned 
from Ravenna to Parma ; but she died immediately in 
the perils of a difficult child-birth. In this year 6 Teu- 
depert and Theuderic, kings of the Franks, fought with 
their paternal uncle Clothar, and in this struggle many 
thousands fell on both sides. 

1 A. D. 603 (Hodgkin, V, 432). Z A. D. 603 (id). 

8 Hodgkin (V, 432) places it on the northern bank of the Po not 
far from Parma, which is probably correct. Thus Waitz. Gians- 
evero, p. 134, believes that a castle named Vulturena at the upper 
end of lake Como at the entrance of the Valtellina is intended. 

* Or as Waitz calls it, Bersello, and adds that it is not far from 
Reggio (d' Emilia). It was a town on the Po about ten miles from 
Parma (Hodgkin, V, 432 ; see III ,18 supra). 

'April ist, 605. This indiction began with the first of Sep- 
tember, 604. 

A. D. 605 (Waitz). 



Then also in the second year of the reign of Focas 
(Phocas) , during the eighth indiction, the blessed Pope 
Gregory journeyed to Christ. l In his place Savinianus 
was appointed to the office of the papacy. * There was 
then a very cold winter and the vines died in nearly 
every place. Also the crops failed, partly destroyed by 
mice and partly smitten by the blight. And indeed the 
world was then bound to suffer from famine and drouth 
when, upon the departure of so great a leader, a lack of 
spiritual nourishment and the dryness of thirst attacked 
the souls of men. I may well put a few things in this 
little work from a certain letter of this same blessed 
Pope Gregory that it may more clearly be known how 
humble this man was and of how great innocence and 
holiness. When then he had been accused by the 
emperor Maurice and his sons 3 of killing in prison for 
money a certain bishop Malchus, he wrote a letter on 
this subject to Savinianus his legate, who was at Con- 
stantinople, and said to him among other things the fol- 
lowing : " There is one thing you may briefly suggest 
to our Most Serene Lords, that if I, their servant, had 
chosen to mix myself up with the death even of Lango- 
bards, the people of the Langobards would to-day have 
neither king nor dukes nor counts and would be split , 

1 Paul, following Bede as his authority, errs as to this date. 
Gregory died March, 604, in the seventh indiction Phocas be- 
gan to reign near the end of 602 in the sixth indiction (Waitz). 

1 Apostolicatus (see DuCange, tit. Apostolicus). 

I ready?//ar iorjilio. 

BOOK IV. 173 

up in the utmost confusion. But because I fear God 
I dread to take part in the death of any man. This 
bishop Malchus indeed was neither in prison nor in any 
suffering but on the day on which he pleaded his cause 
and was adjudged, he was taken without" my knowledge, 
by Boniface, a notary, to his home to dine there and 
was honorably treated by him and at night he suddenly 
died." Look ! how great was the humility of this man 
who called himself a servant when he was the supreme 
pontiff ! how great was his innocence, when he was un- 
willing to take part in the death of Langobards who in- 
deed were unbelievers and were plundering everything ! 


In the following summer then, 1 in the month of July, 
Adaloald was raised as a king over the Langobards, in 
the circus at Mediolanum (Milan) in the presence of his 
father, king Agilulf, and while the ambassadors of Teu- 
depert, king of the Franks 2 were standing by ; and the 
daughter of king Teudepert was betrothed to the same 
royal youth and perpetual peace was established with 
the Franks. 3 

1 A. D. 604. Paul must have been mistaken in this date since 
Pope Gregory in Dec., 603, had written to Theudelinda sending 
certain gifts to " Adaloald the king " (Hodgkin, V, 447). 

* Teudepert II, king of Austrasia (Hodgkin, VI, 108). 

8 A few years later (A. D. 607) Agilulf joined Teudepert as well 
as Clothar of Neustria, and Witterich, king of the Visigoths in an 
alliance against Theuderic II, of Burgundy, who had repudiated 
and divorced the daughter of Witterich. There is no record of 
the result of this alliance and in 612 war broke out again. Theu- 



At the same time the Franks fought with the Saxons 
and there was a great slaughter on both sides. At 
Ticinum (Pavia) also, in the church of St. Peter the 
Apostle, Peter the director of the choir x was struck by 


Afterwards, on the following month of November, 
king Agilulf made peace with Smaragdus the patrician 
for one year, receiving from the Romans 2 twelve thou- 
sand solidi. 3 Cities of Tuscany too, that is, Balneus 
Regis 4 (Bagnarea) and Urbs Vetus 5 (Orvieto) v/ere 

deric overcame Teudepert and put him to death, but what became 
of his daughter, the affianced bride of Adaloald, we are not in- 
formed. Theuderic then turned against Clothar, but suddenly 
died, leaving four illegitimate children. The eldest of these was 
Sigibert and in his name, his great grandmother, the old queen 
Brunihilde aspired to rule over Burgundy and Austrasia, but 
Arnulf, bishop of Metz, and Pepin, a great noble, went over to the 
side of Clothar, and in 6 1 3 Brunihilde and her great-grandchild 
were captured. She was tied to a vicious horse and trampled to 
death (Hodgkin, VI, 108-110). 

1 Cantor who instructed the choristers and younger clerics in 
music and directed the singing of the service. Sometimes this 
office was of considerable dignity and had a prebend attached to 
it. See DuCange. 

* That is, the Greeks (Waitz). 

'See III, 17, note 2, supra, as to the value of the solidus. 

4 "The King's Bath." 

6 ' ' Old City. ' ' Both these places were afterwards in the 
States of the Church. 

BOOK IV. 1/5 

seized by the Langobards. ' Then also in the month of 
April- and May there appeared in the heavens a star 
which they call a comet. Afterwards king Agilulf again 
made peace with the Romans for three years. 2 


In these days after the death of the patriarch Severus, 
the abbot John was ordained in his place 3 as patriarch 
in old Aquileia with the consent of the king and of duke 
Gisulf. In Gradus (Grado) also Candidianus was or- 
dained bishop by the Romans. 4 Again in the months 
of November and December a comet appeared. When 
Candidianus also died, Epiphanius, who had been chief 
of the secretaries, 5 was ordained patriarch at Gradus by 
the bishops who were under the Romans. And from 
that time there began to be two patriarchs. 6 

1 The seizure of these cities seems to have been in April, 605, 
before the commencement of the year of truce just mentioned 
(see Hartmann, II, i, 197) which began in November of that 

"607 to 610 (Hartmann, II, i, 197. 

3 In the Chronicle of the Patriarchs of New Aquileia (see Monti- 
colo's ed., 1890, p. 9), Marcianus is placed between Severus and 
John, and it is stated that he held the office 3 years, i month and 
5 days. Otherwise the list corresponds with that of Paul (Cipolla 
in Atti del Congresso in Cividale, 1899, p. 136). 

4 Antistes, a name given, not only to bishops and abbots, but 
also to priors and then to parish priests. Andrea Dandolo, a 
doge and chronicler of Venice in the I4th century, says that Mar- 
cianus preceded Candidianus (see Dandolo' s Chronicle, Bk. VI, 
Ch. 3). 

5 Primicerius notariorum, Abel translates " Papal chief notary." 
The division in the patriarchate was due to the schism in 



At this time John of Consia 1 (Conza) took posses- 
sion of Naples, but not many days afterwards Eleuth- 
erius, the patrician, drove him from that city and killed 
him. After these things that same patrician Eleu- 
therius, a eunuch, assumed the rights of sovereignty. 
While he was proceeding from Ravenna to Rome he was 
killed 3 in the fortress of Luceoli 3 by the soldiers and 
his head was brought to the emperor at Constantinople. 4 

regard to the Three Chapters (III, 20 and 26, supra). The effect 
of the division was to throw the schismatics into the arms of the 
Langobards. The patriarch John, mentioned in the text, com- 
plained to Agilulf of the persecutions of the Greeks and said that 
three Istrian bishops had been dragged away by imperial soldiers 
and forced to hold communion with Candidianus at Grado, and 
he asked the king, now that that worthless man had gone to 
eternal torment, to prevent a new patriarch from being ordained 
at Grado. This, however, was not done. Some time later, one 
Fortunatus was made patriarch there, and being at heart a schis- 
matic, he seized the treasure of the church and fled to the main- 
land, where he was made patriarch of Aquileia and the Lango- 
bards were asked in vain to give back the treasure. Finally the 
emperor Heraclius sent a large sum of money to Grado to make 
up for the loss (Hodgkin, V, 482, 483). 

J Or "Compsa," a city in ancient Samnium on the Aufidus. 

J Paul places the death of John of Consia and Eleutherius 10 or 
12 years too early. According to the Liber Pontificalis, Eleuther- 
ius was killed A. D. 619 (Jacobi, 53), after Agilulf s death. See 
Hodgkin, VI, 156. 

8 Or " Luciuolo, ' ' which is believed to be located between Gubbio 
and Cagli, hence north of Perugia and south of Urbino (Muratori 
Ann., 4, 40). 

4 The usurpation of Eleutherius was one of a series of efforts to 



Also at this time king Agilulf sent his secretary Sta- 
rjlicianus to Constantinople to the emperor Focas, and 
when he returned with the ambassadors of the emperor, 
peace was made for a year, and the ambassadors pre- 
sented to king Agilulf imperial gifts. 1 


Focas then, as has been already set forth, usurped 
the sovereignty of the Romans after the death of 
Maurice and his sons, and reigned during the course of 
eight years. Because the church of Constantinople was 
calling itself in writing the first of all churches, he or- 
dained, at the request of Pope Boniface, 2 that the See of 

separate Italy from the East, occasioned by the growing weakness 
of the empire. The exarch John, the immediate successor of 
Smaragdus had been killed with a number of other officers, and 
Eleutherius his successor had punished those who had been guilty 
of the crime, and had then become involved in an unsuccessful 
war with the Langobards with whom he had concluded an armis- 
tice in consideration of an annual tribute of 500 pounds of gold. 
Now he raised the standard of revolt with the design of establish- 
ing a new Western empire with Rome as its capital. He assumed 
the purple in Ravenna, and intended to be crowned in that city, 
but changed his purpose and was proceeding to Rome for his 
coronation when he was killed (see Hartmann, II, i, 202, 203). 

1 This is the first instance of direct negotiations between the 
Langobards and Constantinople. Prior to this a truce had been 
made on several occasions with the exarch. These "imperial 
gifts " were probably in the nature of a tribute (Hartmann, II, I, 

1 Boniface III, A. D. 606, 607 (Abel). 


the Roman and Apostolic Church should be the head of 
all. He commanded, at the request of another pope 
Boniface, 1 that the Church of the Ever-blessed Virgin 
Mary and of all the Martyrs should be established in the 
old temple which was called the Pantheon, after all the 
uncleannesses of idolatry had been removed, so that 
where formerly the worship, not of all the gods, but of 
all the devils was performed, there at last there should 
be a memorial of all the saints. At this time the Pra- 
sini and the Veneti 2 carried on a civil war throughout 

Boniface IV, A. D. 607-615 (Abel). 

* So called from the colors of the contestants in the circus. At 
first a chariot race was a contest of two chariots with drivers in 
white and red liveries. Two additional colors, a light green 
{prasinus) and a cerulean blue (yenetus=:caeruleus, ' ' the sky re- 
flected in the sea ' ' ) were afterwards introduced. The four factions 
soon acquired a legal establishment and their fanciful colors 
typified the various appearances of nature in the four seasons, or 
according to another interpretation, the struggle of the green and 
blue represented the conflict of the earth and sea. These contests 
disturbed the spectacles in the circus of imperial Rome and later, 
raged with redoubled fury in the hippodrome of Constantinople. 
Under Anastasius the Greens massacred at a solemn festival three 
thousand of the opposite faction. The Blues, favored by Justin- 
ian I, were the authors of widespread disorders and outrages at 
the capital, and in 532 a sedition called that of AV/'a was excited 
by the mutual hatred and momentary reconciliation of these fac- 
tions, in which many of the most important buildings of the city 
were consumed, some thirty thousand persons slain, and the reign 
of Justinian himself was brought to the brink of destruction. The 
hippodrome closed for a time, but when it was opened again the 
disorders were renewed, (Gibbon, ch. 40,) and the text shows how 
widespread were the disturbances some three-quarters of a century 

BOOK IV. 1/9 

the East and Egypt and destroyed each other with 
mutual slaughter. The Persians also waged a very 
severe war against the empire, took away many pro- 
vinces of the Romans, including Jerusalem itself, ' and 
destroying churches and profaning holy things they 
carried off among the ornaments of places sacred and 
secular, even the banner of the cross of Christ. Hera- 
clian, who was governing Africa, rebelled against this 
Focas and coming with his army, deprived him of his 
sovereignty and his life, and Heraclius, the son of Hera- 
clian, undertook the government of the Roman state. " 


About these times the king of the Avars, whom they 
call Cagan in their language, came with a countless 
multitude and invaded the territories of Venetia. 3 Gisulf 
the duke of Forum Julii (Friuli) boldly came to meet 
him with all the Langobards he could get, but although 

1 This actually occurred later (A. D. 614) under Heraclius 

* A. D. 610 (Hartmann, II, i, 200). 

8 The date usually assigned to the Avar invasion is 61 1, though 
some place it as early as 602. Phocas reigned from 602 to 610. 
If the death of Severus, patriarch of Aquileia, occurred in 606, 
the Avar invasion took place after that date, since Gisulf concurred 
in the nomination of his successor (Hodgkin, VI, 51, note). The 
previous relations between the Langobards and Avars had been of 
the most friendly character. There had been treaties of alliance, 
joint invasions of Istria, injunctions sent by the Avars to the Franks 
to keep peace with the Langobards and Agilulf had furnished 
the Cagan with shipwrights for a naval expedition against the 
Eastern empire (IV, 24, 20, supra; Hodgkin, VI, 50, 51). 


he waged war with a few against an immense multitude 
with indomitable courage, nevertheless, he was sur- 
rounded on every side, and killed with nearly all his fol- 
lowers. The wife of this Gisulf, by name Romilda, 
together with the Langobards who had escaped and 
with the wives and children of those who had perished 
in war, fortified herself ' within the enclosures of the walls 
of the fortress of Forum Julii (Cividale). She had two 
sons, Taso and Cacco, who were already growing youths, 
and Raduald and Grimuald, who were still in the age of 
boyhood. And she had also four daughters, of whom 
one was called Appa and another Gaila, but of two we 
do not preserve the names. The Langobards had also 
fortified themselves in other fortresses which were near 
these, that is, in Cormones (Cormons), Nemas (Nimis), 
Osopus (Ossopo), 2 Artenia (Artegna), 3 Reunia (Ra- 
gogna), Glemona (Gemona),4 and also in Ibligis (Iplis) 5 
whose position was in every way impregnable. Also in 
the same way they fortified themselves in the remaining 
castles, so that they should not become the prey of the 
Huns, that is, of the Avars. But the Avars, roaming 
through all the territories of Forum Julii, devastating 
everything with burnings and plunderings, shut up by 
siege the town of Forum Julii and strove with all their 

1 1 insert se after muniit. 
* On the river Tagliamento (Waitz). 
1 In Carnia (Waitz). 
In Friuli (Waitz). 

6 Near Cividale on the way to Cormons (Waitz). According to 
others, Invilino (Abel). 

BOOK IV. l8l 

might to capture it. While their king, that is the 
Cagan, was ranging around the walls in full armor with 
a great company of horsemen to find out from what side 
he might more easily capture the city, Romilda gazed 
upon him from the walls, and when she beheld him in 
the bloom of his youth, the abominable harlot was 
seized with desire for him and straightway sent word to 
him by a messenger that if he would take her in mar- 
riage she would deliver to him the city with all who 
were in it. The barbarian king, hearing this, promised 
her with wicked cunning that he would do what she had 
enjoined and vowed to take her in marriage. She then 
without delay opened the gates of the fortress of Forum 
Julii and let in the enemy to her own ruin and that of 
all who were there. The Avars indeed with their 
king, having entered Forum Julii, laid waste with their 
plunderings everything they could discover, consumed 
in flames the city itself, and carried away as captives 
everybody they found, falsely promising them, however, 
to settle them in the territories of Pannonia, from which 
they had come. When on their return to their country 
they had come to the plain they called Sacred, 1 they de- 
creed that all the Langobards who had attained full age 
should perish by the sword, and they divided the women 
and children in the lot of captivity. But Taso and 
Cacco and Raduald, the sons of Gisulf and Romilda, 
when they knew the evil intention of the Avars, straight- 
way mounted their horses and took flight. One of them 

'The Sacred Plain has not been identified (Hodgkin, VI, 53, 
note 2). 


when he thought that his brother Grimoald, a little boy, 
could not keep himself upon a running horse, since he 
was so small, considered it better that he should perish 
by the sword than bear the yoke of captivity, and wanted 
to kill him. When therefore, he lifted his lance to 
pierce him through, the boy wept and cried out, saying: 
" Do not strike me for I can keep on a horse." And 
his brother, seizing him by the arm, put him upon the 
bare back of a horse and urged him to stay there if he 
could ; and the boy, taking the rein of the horse in his 
hand, followed his fleeing brothers. The Avars, when 
they learned this, mounted their horses and followed 
them, but although the others escaped by swift flight, 
the little boy Grimoald was taken by one of those who 
had run up most swiftly. His captor, however, did not 
deign to strike him with the sword on account of his 
slender age, but rather kept him to be his servant. And 
returning to the camp, he took hold of the bridle of the 
horse and led the boy away, and exulted over so noble 
a booty for he was a little fellow of elegant form with 
gleaming eyes and covered with long blonde hair and 
when the boy grieved that he was carried away as a cap- 

Pondering mighty thoughts within his diminutive bosom, 1 

he took out of the scabbard a sword, such as he was 
able to carry at that age, and struck the Avar who was 
leading him, with what little strength he could, on the 

1 Virgil, Georgics, IV, 83, where it is applied to the soldier bees. 
In Paul's quotation versant is changed to versans. 

BOOK IV. 183 

top of the head. Straightway the blow passed through 
to the skull and the enemy was thrown from his horse. 
And the boy Grimoald turned his own horse around and 
took flight, greatly rejoicing, and at last joined his 
brothers and gave them incalculable joy by his escape 
and by announcing, moreover, the destruction of his 
enemy. The Avars now killed by the sword all the 
Langobards who were already of the age of manhood, 
but the women and children they consigned to the yoke 
of captivity. Romilda indeed, who had been the head 
of all this evil-doing, the king of the Avars, on account 
of his oath, kept for one night as if in marriage as he 
had promised her, but upon the next he turned her over 
to twelve Avars, who abused her through the whole 
night with their lust, succeeding each other by turns. 
Afterwards too, ordering a stake to be fixed in the 
midst of a field, he commanded her to be impaled upon 
the point of it, uttering these words, moreover, in re- 
proach: "It is fit you should have such a husband." 
Therefore the detestable betrayer of her country who 
looked out for her own lust more than for the preserva- 
tion of her fellow citizens and kindred, perished by such 
a death. Her daughters, indeed, did not follow the sen- 
sual inclination of their mother, but striving from love 
of chastity not to be contaminated by the barbarians, 
they put the flesh of raw chickens under the band 
between their breasts, and this, when putrified by the 
heat, gave out an evil smell. And the Avars, when they 
wanted to touch them, could not endure the stench that 
they thought was natural to them, but moved far away 
from them with cursing, saying that all the Langobard 


women had a bad smell. By this stratagem then the 
noble girls, escaping from the lust of thd Avars, not 
only kept themselves chaste, but handed down a useful 
example for preserving chastity if any such thing 
should happen to women hereafter. And they were 
afterwards sold throughout various regions and secured 
worthy marriages on account of their noble birth ; for 
one of them is said to have wedded a king of the Ala- 
manni, and another, a prince of the Bavarians. 

The topic now requires me to postpone my general 
history and relate also a few matters of a private 
character concerning the genealogy of myself who write 
these things, and because the case so demands, I must 
go back a little earlier in the order of my narrative. At 
the time when the nation of the Langobards came from 
Pannonia to Italy, my great-great-grandfather Leupchis 
of the same nation of Langobards came with them in 
like manner. When he ended his last day after he had 
lived some years in Italy, he left five sons begotten by 
him who were still little boys. That misfortune of cap- 
tivity of which we have spoken included these, and they 
were all carried away as exiles from the fortress of 
Forum Julii into the country of the Avars. After they 
had borne in that region for many years the misery of 
bondage, and had already come to the age of manhood, 
although the four others, whose names we do not retain, 
remained in the constraint of captivity, the fifth brother, 
Lopichis by name, who was afterwards our great-grand- 
father, determined (at the inspiration as we believe of 
the Author of Mercy) to cast off the yoke of bondage, 
and to direct his course to Italy, where he had remem- 

BOOK IV. 185 

bered that the race of the Langobards was settled, and 
he made an effort to regain the rights of freedom. 
When he had gone and betaken himself to flight, carry- 
ing only a quiver and bow and a little food for the jour- 
ney, and did not at all know whither he was proceed- 
ing, a wolf came to him and became the companion of 
his journey and his guide. Seeing that it proceeded 
before him, and often looked behind and stood with 
him when he stood, and went ahead when he advanced, 
he understood that it had been given to him from 
heaven to show to him the way, of which he was ignor- 
ant. When they had proceeded in this manner for 
some days through the solitudes of the mountains, the 
bread, of which the traveler had had very little, wholly 
failed him. While he went on his way fasting, and had 
already become faint with exhaustion from hunger, he 
drew his bow and attempted to kill with his arrow this 
same wolf so that he could use it for food. But the 
wolf, avoiding the stroke that he cast, slipped away from 
his sight. And he, not knowing whither to proceed, 
when this wolf had gone away, and made very weak 
moreover by the privation of hunger, now despaired of 
his life, and throwing himself upon the earth, he went to 
sleep. And he saw in his dreams a certain man saying 
to him the following words : " Arise ! why are you 
sleeping? Take your way in that direction opposite to 
which your feet are turned, for there is Italy which you 
are seeking." And straightway rising he began to pro- 
ceed in that direction \vhich he had heard in his dreams, 
and without delay he came to a dwelling place of men ; 
for there was a settlement of Slavs in those places. 


And when an elderly woman now saw him, she straight- 
way understood that he was a fugitive and suffering 
from the privation of hunger. And taking pity upon 
him, she hid him in her dwelling and secretly furnished 
him food, a little at a time, lest she should put an end 
to his life altogether if she should give him nourishment 
to repletion. In fine, she thus supplied him skillfully 
with food until he was restored and got his strength. 
And when she saw that he was now able to pursue his 
journey, she gave him provisions and told him in what 
direction he ought to go. After some days he entered 
Italy and came to the house in which he had been born, 
which was so deserted that not only did it have no roof 
but it was full of brambles and thorns. And when he 
had cut them down he found within the walls a large 
ash-tree, and hung his quiver v.pon it. He was after- 
wards provided with gifts by his relatives and friends, 
and rebuilt his house and took a wife. But he could 
obtain nothing of the property his father had had, being 
now excluded by those who had appropriated it through 
long and continuous possession. This man, as I already 
said before, was my great-grandfather, and he begot my 
grandfather Arichis, 1 and Arichis, my father Warnefrit, 
and Warnefrit, from Theudelinda his wife, begot me, 
Paul, and my brother Arichis who was named after 
my grandfather." These few things having been con- 

1 Henry. 

1 Paul has probably omitted some links in his family genealogy. 
Four generations are very few for the period between Leupchis 
who came into Italy with Alboin, 568, and Paul, who was born 
between 720 and 730. It is remarkable too that Leupchis, a 


sidered concerning the chain of my own genealogy, 
now let us return to the thread of the general history. 


After the death, as we said, of Gisulf, duke of Forum 
Julii, his sons Taso and Cacco undertook the govern- 
ment of this dukedom. They possessed in their time 
the territory of the Slavs which is named Zellia 
(Gail-thai), 1 up to the place which is called Medaria 
(Windisch Matrei), hence, those same Slavs, up to the 
time of duke Ratchis, paid tribute to the dukes of Forum 
Julii. Gregory the patrician of the Romans killed these 
two brothers in the city of Opitergium (Oderzo) by 
crafty treachery. For he promised Taso that he would 
cut his beard, 2 as is the custom, and make him his son, 
and this Taso, with Cacco his brother, and some chosen 
youths came to Gregory fearing no harm. When pres- 
ently he had entered Opitergium with his followers, 
straightway the patrician ordered the gates of the city 
to be closed and sent armed soldiers against Taso and 
his companions. Taso with his followers perceiving 
this, boldly prepared for a fight, and when a moment 
of quiet was given, they bade each other a last fare- 
grown man in 568, should leave five little children at the time of 
the Avar invasion in 610 (Hodgkin, VI, 58, note i). 

1 Hodgkin, VI, 59, note, and Hartmann, II, i, 236. The 
valley of the Gail in Carinthia and eastern Tyrol. 

A ceremony indicating that he whose beard is shaved and 
whose hair is cut has arrived at the state of manhood. Thus 
king Liutprand performed a similar ceremony for the son of 
Charles Martel (Book VI, Chap. 53, infra). 


well, and scattered hither and thither through the 
different streets of the city, killing whomsoever they 
could find in their way, and while they made a great 
slaughter of the Romans, they also were slain at last. 
But Gregory the patrician, on account of the oath he 
had given, ordered the head of Taso to be brought to 
him, and, perjured though he was, cut off his beard as 
he had promised. T 


When they were thus killed, Grasulf, the brother of 
Gisulf , was made duke of Forum Julii. 2 But Radoald and 
Grimoald, as they were now close to the age of man- 
hood, held it in contempt to live under the power of 
their uncle Grasulf, and they embarked in a little boat 
and came rowing to the territories of Beneventum. 

1 Fredegarius (IV, 69) tells a story (which is considered by some 
to be a variation of this) as to the murder of Taso, duke of Tus- 
cany, by the patrician Isaac. King Arioald offered Isaac to re- 
mit one of the three hundredweights of gold which the empire 
paid yearly to the Langobards if he would kill Taso, who was a 
rebel (see chap. 49). Isaac invited Taso to Ravenna with a troop 
of warriors who were prevailed upon to leave their arms outside 
the walls, and when they entered the city they were assassinated. 
The tribute was accordingly reduced. Soon afterwards Arioald 
died. As Arioald reigned from 626 to 636 and Isaac did not be- 
come exarch until 630, this story can not be reconciled with Paul's 
account of an event which must have happened many years 
earlier. Either Fredegarius got hold of an inaccurate version, or 
the coincidence of name is accidental and the story relates to some 
different event (Hodgkin, VI, 59, 60, note 2; Pabst, 429). 

De Rubeis (Appendix, p. 63) says this occurred A. D. 616. 

BOOK IV. 189 

Then hastening to Arichis, duke of the Beneventines, 
their former preceptor, they were received by him most 
kindly and treated by him in the place of sons. In 
these times, upon the death of Tassilo, duke of the Ba- 
varians, his son Garibald was conquered by the Slavs at 
Aguntum (Innichen), and the territories of the Bavar- 
ians were plundered. The Bavarians, however, having 
recovered their strength, took away the booty from their 
foes and drove their enemies from their territories. 


King Agilulf, indeed, made peace with the emperor 
for one year, and again for another, and also renewed a 
second time the bond of peace with the Franks. In 
this year, nevertheless, the Slavs grievously devastated 
Istria after killing the soldiers who defended it. Also 
in the following month of March, Secundus, a servant 
of Christ of whom we have already often spoken, died 
at Tridentum (Trent). He composed a brief history of 
the deeds of the Langobards up to his time. 1 At that 
time king Agilulf again made peace with the emperor. 
In those days Theudepert, king of the Franks, was also 
killed, and a very severe battle occurred among them. 
Gunduald too, the brother of queen Theudelinda, who 
was duke in the city of Asta (Asti), died at this time, 
struck by an arrow, but no one knew the author of his 

1 After the death of Secundus in 612 Paul's source for the his- 
tory of Trent becomes exhausted and we hear little more about 
that duchy. 



Then king Agilulf, who was called Ago| after he had 
reigned twenty-five years, ended his last day, 1 and his 
son Adaloald, who was still a boy, was left in the sover- 
eignty with Theudelinda his mother. Under them the 
churches were restored and many gifts were bestowed 
upon the holy places. But when Adaloald, after he had 
reigned with his mother ten years, lost his reason and 
became insane, he was cast out of the sovereignty, 2 and 

1 Probably 615 or 616 (Waitz; Hodgkin, VI, 147, note i). 

1 Fredegarius (Chron. 49) tells the story thus: that Adaloald, 
upon the advice of one Eusebius, anointed himself in the bath 
with some sort of ointment, and afterwards could do nothing ex- 
cept what he was told by Eusebius; that he was thus persuaded to 
order all the chief persons and nobles of the Langobards to be 
killed, and upon their death to surrender, with all his people to 
the empire; that when he had put twelve to death without their 
fault, the rest conspired to raise Arioald, duke of Turin, who had 
married Gundiperga, the sister of Adaloald, to the throne; that 
Adaloald took poison and died and Arioald straightway took pos- 
session of the kingdom. 

Possibly the zeal of Theudelinda and Adaloald for the Catholic 
faith may have provoked a reaction among the Langobards, who 
had been Arians, and they may have become dissatisfied with the 
conciliatory policy toward the empire which was characteristic ot 
the Bavarian line of sovereigns descended from Theudelinda. The 
legend of Eusebius was perhaps an expression of this dissatisfac- 
tion. Adaloald' s successor was certainly an Arian. We have 
already seen (ch. 34, note, supra) that during Adaloald' s time 
Eleutherius the exarch defeated John of Compsa who had re- 
volted and taken possession of Naples, and put him to death. 
After this revolt the war with the Langobards was renewed and 
Sundrar the Langobard general repeatedly defeated the exarch, 
who finally obtained peace upon payment of a yearly tribute of 


Arioald was substituted by the Langobards in his place. 1 
Concerning the acts of this king hardly anything has 
come to our knowledge. 2 About these times the holy 

five hundredweight of gold (Hodgkin, VI, 154, 155). We have 
also seen that Eleutherius afterwards aspired to independent sov- 
ereignty and was killed (IV, 34, supra), though Paul incorrectly 
places these occurrences during the reign of Agilulf. In 625 Pope 
Honorius I addressed a letter to Isaac the new exarch saying that 
some bishops beyond the Po had urged one Peter, who seems to 
have been a layman high in office, not to follow the Catholic 
Adaloald, but the tyrant Ariopalt (Arioald) (Hodgkin, VI, 158) ; 
since the crime of the bishops was odious, the pope .asked the 
exarch to send them to Rome for punishment as soon as Adaloald 
was restored to his kingdom. This contest between Adaloald 
and his successor probably occurred between 624 and 626 (Hodg- 
kin, VI, 160), and it would seem that Adaloald had taken refuge 
with the exarch in Ravenna from which Wiese (p. 284) infers that 
his death may have been by order of Isaac to avoid complications 
with the Langobards. We do not learn what part Theudelinda 
took in this contest. She died February 22nd, 628, shortly after 
the death of Adaloald (Hodgkin VI, 160). 

i Probably A. D. 626 (Hodgkin, VI, 161). 

* Fredegarius (IV, 51) tells us that Gundiperga (wife of Arioald 
and daughter of Agilulf and Theudelinda) said one day that Ada- 
lulf, a nobleman in the king's service, was a man of goodly 
stature, and Adalulf hearing this, proposed to her that she should 
be unfaithful to her marriage vow. She scorned his proposal 
whereupon he charged that she had granted a secret interview to 
Taso duke of Tuscany and had promised to poison the king and 
raise Taso to the throne. Upon this Arioald imprisoned her in a 
fortress. Two years afterwards Clothar II, king of the Franks, 
sent ambassadors to Arioald asking why she had been imprisoned 
and when the reason was given, one of the ambassadors suggested 
a trial by battle to ascertain her guilt or innocence. The duel ac- 
cordingly took place, Adalulf was slain by the queen's champion 
and she was restored to her royal dignity (Hodgkin, VI, 161-163). 


Columban, sprung from the race of Scots, after he had 
built a monastery in Gaul in the place called Luxovium 
(Luxeuil), came into Italy, 1 and was kindly received by 
the king of the Langobards, and built a convent in the 
Cottian Alps which is called Bobium (Bobbio) and is 
forty miles distant from the city of Ticinum. 2 In this 

1 Probably before this time and about A. D. 612 (Giansevero). 

* St. Columban was born, not in Scotland but in Ireland about 
543 and entered a monastery at Bangor at a period when the Irish 
monasteries were centers of culture. After some years he set forth 
to preach the gospel, first in Britain and then in Gaul. Sigispert, 
king of Austrasia, the husband of Brunihilde gave him a ruined 
village named Anagratis where he established a monastery, but 
after a while he retired to a cave, and was so famed for miiacles 
that he drew around him many disciples and found it necessary to 
establish another monastery at Luxovium in the domains of Gun- 
thram of Burgundy, now the Vosges. A third was established 
near by at Ad Fontanas (Hodgkin VI, no, 113). Afterwards he 
incurred the enmity of Brunihilde and her grandson Theuderic of 
Burgundy (pp. 121-123) and was expelled from that king- 
dom. Under the protection of Theudepert of Austrasia he found 
a retreat at Bregenz on the Lake of Constance (p. 126) where he 
put an end to the worship of heathen gods, which had been prac- 
ticed in the neighborhood. Upon Theudepert' s death, which the 
saint had foretold, he betook himself to Italy where he was received 
with honor by Agilulf and Theudelinda (p. 131). He remained 
some months at Milan at the royal court and argued there with 
Arian ecclesiastics, until a certain Jocundus came to king Agilulf 
and spoke of the advantages for a monastic life offered by the vil- 
lage of Bobium on the Trebia among the Apennines (p. 132). 
Columban retired thither and there built the monastery which be- 
came an important instrument in converting the Langobards from 
Arianism, and in the spread of Roman culture among that people 
(Hartmann II, 2, 25). He wns a man of great learning. He 
aided Theudelinda in her conflicts with Arianism, but he also be- 

BOOK IV, 193 

place also many possessions were bestowed by particu- 
lar princes and Langobards, and there was established 
there a great community of monks. 


Then Arioald, after he had held the sovereignty 
over the Langobards twelve years, departed this life, 
and Rothari, 1 of the race of Arodus, received the king- 
dom of the Langobards. 2 And he was brave and strong, 

came an adherent of the schismatics in the controversy of the 
Three Chapters, and Theudelinda used him in defending their 
cause, which he did in a long letter to Pope Boniface IV, the third 
successor of Gregory the Great. Agilulf desired to heal the schism 
and Columban states in his letter that the king was reported to 
have said that he too would believe the Catholic faith if he could 
know the certainty of the matter! Columban died in 615, the 
same year as Agilulf (Hodgkin, VI, 138-147). 

1 Hartmann (II, i, 235) considers that in this reckoning, the 
tune is probably included in which Arioald was in insurrection 
against Adaloald. Rothari ascended the throne in 636 (Waitz). 

J Fredegarius relates that after the death of Arioald his widow 
Gundiperga was asked, as Theudelinda had been, to choose his 
successor; that her choice fell upon Rothari, whom she invited to 
put away his wife and marry her, which he did, but afterwards 
confined her in one little room in the palace, while he lived with 
his concubines; that after five years' seclusion the Frankish king 
Clovis II interceded and she was restored to her queenly digni- 
ties (Hodgkin, VI, 165, 166). This story sounds like a repetition 
of the account of Gundiperga' s disgrace during the reign of her 
first husband. It would seem that Rothari' s marriage to Gundi- 
perga, like that of Agilulf to Theudelinda was to add a certain 
claim of legitimacy to his pretensions to the throne and perhaps 
the fact that he was an Arian and his wife a Catholic led to the 
story above related (Hartmann, II, i, 239, 240). 


and followed the path of justice; 1 he did not, however, 
hold the right line of Christian belief, but was stained 
by the infidelity of the Arian heresy. 3 The Arians, 
indeed, say to their own ruin that the Son is less than 
the Father, and the Holy Spirit also is less than the 
Father and the Son. But we Catholics confess that the 
leather and Son and Holy Spirit are one and the true 
God in three persons, equal in power and the same in 
glory. In this time there were two bishops throughout 
almost all the cities 3 of the kingdom, one a Catholic 
and the other an Arian. In the city of Ticinum too 
there is shown, down to the present time, the place 

1 Fredegarius relates (Chron. 71) that at the beginning of his 
reign he put to death many insubordinate nobles and that in his 
efforts for peace he maintained very strict discipline (Pabst, 430, 
note 3). 

1 With the exception of Adaloald, all the kings of the Lango- 
bards up to this time had been Arians though their religious con- 
victions were not strong, and they were not generally intolerant 
(Hodgkin VI, 144, 145). The beliefs of the invaders under 
Alboin were somewhat heterogeneous. Some of his followers were 
probably still tinctured with the remnants cf heathenism, most of 
them were Arians, while the Noricans and Pannonians who accom- 
panied him to Italy (II, 26 supra) were Catholics (Hegel, Stadte- 
verfassung von Italien I, Ch. 3, p. 364). The conversion of the 
Langobards to the Catholic faith was promoted by their intermar- 
riage with Roman wives. Theudelinda, who was a Catholic, had 
done much to further it. Even as early as the time of Gregory 
the Great there were Catholic bishops under the Langobards 
(id., p. 363). 

8 This is doubtful. Paul knew of some Arian bishops and doubt- 
less he presumed, erroneously, the presence of Catholic bishops 
in the same places (Hartmann II, i, 278). 

BOOK IV. 195 

where the Arian bishop, who had his seat at the church 
of St'. Eusebius, had a baptistery, while another bishop 
sat in the Catholic church. Yet this Arian bishop, who 
was in the same city, Anastasius by name, became con- 
verted to the Catholic faith and afterwards governed the 
church of Christ. This king Rothari collected, in a 
series of writings, the laws of the Langobards which 
they were keeping in memory only and custom, 1 and he 

1 Compare this with the Chronicon Gothanum, (M. G., LLIV, p. 
641) " Rothari reigned sixteen years and by him law and justice 
began with the Langobards and the judges first went through them 
in writing. For previously lawsuits were decided by custom, 
(cadarfadd) discretion and usage. ' ' Rothari' s Edict was published 
Nov. 22d, 643. It was composed of 388 chapters. Although 
written in Latin, the greater part of this Edict was of purely Lango- 
bard origin. By this code the man who conspired against the king 
or deserted his comrades in battle must suffer death, but those 
accused of a capital offense might appeal to the wager of battle. 
If freemen conspired and accomplished the death of another they 
were to compound for the murder according to the rank of the 
person slain (Hodgkin, VI, 175 to 179). If any one should 
" place himself in the way " of a free woman or girl or injure her 
he must pay nine hundred solidi (540 pounds sterling). If any 
one should "place himself in the way " of a free man he must pay 
him twenty solidi, if he had not done him any bodily injury. 
These provisions indicated the high estimation in which the free 
women were held. If any one should ' ' place himself in the way ' ' 
of another man's slave or hand-maid or aldius (half-free) he must 
pay twenty solidi to his lord. Bodily injuries were all catalogued, 
each of the teeth, fingers and toes being specially named and the 
price fixed for each. Many laws dealt specially with injuries to an 
aldius or to a household slave. These were not equivalent terms 
and it is generally believed that the vanquished Roman population 
were included in the first. A still lower class were the plantation 


directed this code to be called the Edict. It was now 


slaves (Hodgkin, VI, 180-189). ^ n tne ^ aws f succession, pro- 
vision was made for illegitimate as well as legitimate children, 
though less in amount. No father could disinherit his son except 
for certain grievous crimes. Donations of property were made in 
the presence of the thing, an assembly of at least a few freemen, 
a survival of the folk-thing of the ancient Germans, from which 
comes the Latinized word thingarc, to grant or donate, and one of 
the laws of Rothari provides that, if a man shall wish to " thing 
away ' ' his property to another, he must make the gairethinx (spear 
donation), not secretly, but before freemen. The Langobard 
women always remained under some form of guardianship (pp. 
193-197). If a man should commit an immorality with a female 
slave "belonging to the nations" he must pay her lord twenty 
solidi, if with a Roman, twelve solidi, the Roman bond-woman 
being of less value than the slave of Teutonic or other origin. 
This is the only reference to Romans as such in Rothari' s laws. 
If a slave or aldius married a free Langobard woman, her relatives 
had a right to slay her or sell her and divide her substance. No 
slave or aldius could sell property without the consent of his master 
or patron. Slaves might be emancipated in various ways, but there 
were severe laws for the pursuit and restoration of fugitives (pp. 
204-211). In judicial procedure, a system of compurgation pre- 
vailed as well as the wager of battle (pp. 224-230). 

Rothari' s code was rude and barbarous to the last degree as 
compared with the elaborate system of Roman jurisprudence em- 
bodied in the laws of Justinian, under which the population of Italy 
had been living prior to the Langobard conquest. In Rothari' s 
laws, although the rights of the clan, so important during the mi- 
gration of the Langobards, became more and more subordinated 
to the rights of the state (Hartmann, II, 2, n), the authority of 
the family still continued to be recognized as an important feature. 
The general assembly of freemen continued to add solemnity to 
important popular acts, such as the enactment of new laws or the 
selection of a king, although it was now manifestly impossible that 

BOOK IV. 197 

indeed the seventy-seventh year from the time when the 
Langobards had come into Italy, as that king bore wit- 
such an assembly should consist, as in earlier times, of all those 
capable of bearing arms (id., pp. 12-13). 

Villari (Le Invasioni Barbariche in Italia, p. 310) insists that the 
indirect action of Roman jurisprudence appears in Rothari's laws, 
not only in the Latin language in which they were written, in some 
Justinian-like phrases, and in an arrangement to some extent 
systematical, but also in certain provisions which he thinks cannot 
be of Germanic origin. He adds (p. 311) that it cannot be con- 
ceived how the Langobards could have destroyed a system of 
jurisprudence established for centuries which had created among 
the conquered Italians a number of legal relations unknown to 
their conquerors so that the laws of the latter could not provide 
for them, nor how Roman law could be destroyed and afterwards 
reappear in Langobard Italy, without any account of its disap- 
pearance and reappearance in documents or chronicles. He con- 
cludes that although not officially recognized, it was allowed to live 
under the form of custom, in many of the private relations that 
existed among the conquered Italians. This view is confirmed by 
the 2O4th law of Rothari which, speaking of " any free woman 
living according to the law of the Langobards" would indicate 
that there were others not living according to that law. Moreover 
it was declared (Hodgkin, VI, 231) that foreigners who came to 
settle in the land ought to live according to the laws of the Lango- 
bards unless they obtained from the king the right to live accord- 
ing to some other law. Villari also sees (p. 312) evidences of the 
persistency of Roman law in the subsequent legislation of Liut- 
prand providing that if a Langobard, after having children, should 
become a churchman, they should continue to live subject to the 
law under which he had lived before becoming a churchman. 
This would indicate that after becoming a churchman, the father 
lived under another law, which must have been the Roman law. 
Villari (p. 329) also sees elsewhere in Liutprand's legislation evi- 
dences of canonical law. 


ness in a prologue to his Edict. 1 To this king, Arichis, 
the duke of Beneventum sent his son Aio. , And when 
the latter had come to Ravenna on his way to Ticinum, 
such a drink was there given him by the malice of the 
Romans that it made him lose his reason, and from that 
time he was never of full and sound mind. 2 


Therefore when duke Arichis, the father of him of 
whom we have spoken, was now ripe in years and near- 
ing his last day, knowing that his son Aio was not of 
right mind, he commended Radoald and Grimoald, 4 now 
in the flower of their youth, as if they were his own 
sons, to the Langobards who were present, and said to 
them that these two could rule them better than could 
Aio his son. 


Then on the death of Arichis, who had held the 
dukedom fifty years, Aio, his son, was made leader of 
the Samnites, 3 and still Radoald and Grimoald* obeyed 
him in all things as their elder brother and lord. When 

1 Rothari says the seventy-sixth year (Edict! Codices M. G. 
LL., IV, p. i.) As to this, see note to I, 21, note 3, pp. 39, 
40, supra ; as to the so-called prologue, see Appendix, II, A. i. 

* His intercourse with the Romans, as in the case of Adaloald, 
seems to have led to insanity. Was this the Langobard idea of 
the effect of contact with Roman luxury and civilization upon the 
princes of their race ? 

That is the Beneventines. This occurred A. D. 641 (\Vaitz). 

M follow here and in other places the spelling of Waitz's text 
which is not uniform. 

BOOK IV. 199 

this Aio had already governed the dukedom of Bene- 
ventum a year and five months, the Slavs came with a 
great number of ships and set up their camp not far 
from the city of Sipontum (Siponto). They made 
hidden pit-falls around their camp and when Aio came 
upon them in the absence of Raduald and Grimoald and 
attempted to conquer them, his horse fell into one of 
these pit-falls, the Slavs rushed upon him and he was 
killed with a number of others. When this was an- 
nounced to Raduald he came quickly and talked famili- 
arly with these Slavs in their own language, 1 and when 
in this way he had lulled them into greater indolence 
for war, he presently fell upon them, overthrew them 
with great slaughter, revenged the death of Aio and 
compelled those of his enemies who had survived to 
seek flight from these territories. 2 


King Rothari then captured all the cities of the 
Romans which were situated upon the shore of the sea 
from the city of Luna (Luni) in Tuscany up to the 
boundaries of the Franks. 3 Also he captured and de- 

1 Raduald and Grimoald had been neighbors to the Slavs in the 
dukedom of Fruili from which they had come to Beneventum 

*A. D. 642 (Hartmann, II, i, 244). 

3 Rothari was a representative of the national, anti-Roman, 
Arian feeling among the Langobards; so the peace with the empire 
was broken and war renewed. He thus rounded out his possessions 
in the northern part of the kingdom, and Neustria, the western 
portion of these dominions, began to be distinguished from Austria, 
east of the Adda, which was more immediately subject to the 
dukes of Trent and Friuli (Hartmann, II, i, 243). 


stroyed Opitergium (Oderzo) 1 a city placed between 
Tarvisium (Treviso) and Forum Julii (Cividale). He 
waged war with the Romans of Ravenna 2 near the river 
of Emilia which is called the Scultenna (Panaro). In 
this war eight thousand fell on the side of the Romans 
and the remainder took to flight. At this time a great 
earthquake occurred at Rome and there was then a 
great inundation of the waters. After these things 
there was a scab disease of such a kind that no one 
could recognize his own dead on account of the great 
swelling and inflammation. 3 


But when duke Raduald, who had managed the duke- 
dom five years, died at Beneventum, Grimuald his 
brother became duke and governed the dukedom of the 
Samnites five and twenty years. From a captive girl, 
but one of high birth, however, whose name was Ita, he 
begot a son Romuald and two daughters. And since he 
was a very warlike man and distinguished everywhere, 
when the Greeks at that time came to plunder the 
sanctuary of the holy arch-angel 4 situated upon Mount 
Garganus (Gargano), Grimuald, coming upon them with 
his army, overthrew them with the utmost slaughter. 

1 This destruction was not complete, but twenty-five years later 
under Grimoald, the place was entirely annihilated (V, 28, infra). 

1 Who were under the exarch Isaac (Hodgkin, VI, 169). 

8 The earthquake and plague are placed by the Liber Pontificalis 
in the sixth indiction (617-618), and incorrectly placed by Paul 
during the reign of Rothari (636-652) (Jacobi, 54). 

* Michael. 

BOOK IV. 201 


But king Rothari indeed, after he had held the sov- 
ereignty sixteen years and four months, departed from 
life x and left the kingdom of the Langobards to his son 
Rodoald. When he had been buried near the church 
of St. John the Baptist, 2 after some time, a certain man 
inflamed by wicked cupidity opened his sepulcher at 
night and took away whatever he found among the or- 
naments of his body. St. John appearing to him in a 
vision frightened him dreadfully and said to him, " Why 
did you dare to touch the body of that man? Although 
he may not have been of the true faith yet he has com- 
mended himself to me. Because therefore you have 
presumed to do this thing you will never hereafter have 
admission into my church." And so it occurred ; for 
as often soever as he wished to enter the sanctuary of 
St. John, straightway his throat would be hit as if by a 
very powerful boxer and thus stricken, he suddenly fell 
down backwards. I speak the truth in Christ; he who 
saw with his own eyes that very thing done related this 
to me. Rodoald then received the kingdom of the 
Langobards after the death of his father, and united 
with himself in marriage Gundiperga the daughter of 
Agilulf and Theudelinda. 3 This Gundiperga in imita- 
tion of her mother, just as the latter had done in Modicia 

1 A. D. 652 (Hodgkin, VI, 241). 

9 In Modicia (Monza) or possibly in Ticinum (Waitz). 

*If Fredegarius (Chapters 50, 51, 70) be correct Paul must be 
mistaken, since Gundiperga was the wife of king Arioald and after 
his death, of Rothari, and was now over fifty years old (Waitz). 


(Monza), so the former within the city of Ticinum 
(Pavia) built a church in honor of St. Johp the Baptist, 
which she decorated wonderfully with gold and silver 
and draperies and enriched bountifully with particular 
articles, and in it her body lies buried. And when she 
had been accused to her husband of the crime of 
adultery, her own slave, Carellus by name, besought the 
king that he might fight in single combat for the honor 
of his mistress, with him who had imputed the crime to 
the queen. And when he had gone into single combat 
with that accuser he overcame him in the presence of 
the whole people. The queen indeed after this was 
done, returned to her former dignity. x 


Rodoald after he had reigned five years 2 and seven 
days was killed as is said by a certain Langobard whose 
wife he had defiled, and Aripert, son of Gundoald, who 
had been the brother of queen Theudclinda, followed 
him in the government of the kingdom. 3 He estab- 

1 Hartmann (II, i, 274) believes that Paul relates here the story 
of the first imprisonment of Gundiperga given by Fredegarius but 
has transposed it to a period two decades later (see Ch. 41, note, 

1 Paul should have written here five months instead of five years 
(Waitz). He probably died about March, 653 (Hartmann, II, I, 


1 There is no record of (he events which led to the succession of 
Aripert, a Catholic of the Bavarian house and friendly to the 
Romans, in place of the Arian, anti-Roman dynasty of Rothari 
(Hartmann, II, i, 244). 

BOOK IV. 203 

lished at Ticinum a sanctuary of our Lord and Saviour, 
which lay outside the western gate that is called Marenca 
and he decorated it with various ornaments and enriched 
it sufficiently with possessions. 


In these days when the emperor Heraclius had died 
at Constantinople, ' his son Heraclones with his mother 
Martina received the rights of sovereignty and ruled the 
empire for two years. And when he departed from life 
his brother Constantine, another son of Heraclius, fol- 
lowed in his place and reigned six months. When he 
also died his son Constantine rose to the dignity of the 
sovereignty and held the imperial power for eight and 
twenty years. 


About these times the wife of the king of the Persians, 
Cesara by name, on account of her love of the Christian 
faith, departed out of Persia in private dress with a few 
of her faithful followers, and came to Constantinople. 
She was honorably received by the emperor and after 
some days obtained baptism as she desired and was 
raised from the sacred font by the empress. " When her 
husband the king of the Persians heard this, he sent 
ambassadors to Constantinople to the emperor in order 

'The death of Heraclius (A. D. 641) is erroneously placed by 
Paul after the death of Rodoald 653 (Waitz) and after the taking 
of Oderzo by Rothari (IV, 45, supra). See Simonsfeld' s article 
on Dandolo (Archivio Veneto, 14, p. 141). 

1 That is the empress became her god-mother (Abel). 


that the latter should restore to him his wife. When 
they came to the emperor they reported the words of 
the king of the Persians who demanded his queen. The 
emperor hearing these things and being altogether 
ignorant of the affair, returned them an answer saying: 
" We confess that we know nothing concerning the queen 
you seek except that a woman came to us here in 
the dress of a private person." But the ambassadors 
answered saying: " If it please your Imperial Presence 
we would like to see this woman you speak of," and 
when she had come by command of the emperor, pre- 
sently the ambassadors looked upon her attentively, 
prostrated themselves at her feet and suggested to her 
with reverence that her husband wanted her. She re- 
plied to them : " Go, take back the answer to your king 
and lord that unless he also shall so believe in Christ as 
I have already believed, he can now no more have me 
as the partner of his bed." Why say more? The am- 
bassadors returned to their country and reported again 
to their king all they had heard. And he without any 
delay came peaceably with sixty thousand men to Con- 
stantinople to the emperor by whom he was joyfully re- 
ceived and in a very suitable manner. And he, with the 
whole of them, believing in Christ our Lord, was in like 
manner with all the rest sprinkled ' with the water of 
holy baptism and was raised by the emperor from the 
font and confirmed in the Catholic faith ; and having 
been honored by the emperor with many gifts, he took 

1 Perfusus (see DuCange) seems to indicate sprinkling rather 
than immersion, though the latter was at this time the more usual 
form except in the case of those about to die. 

BOOK IV. 205 

his wife and returned happy and rejoicing to his own 
country. ' About these times upon the death of duke 
Grasulf at Cividale, Ago undertook the government 
of the dukedom of Forum Julii. At Spoletium (Spoleto) 
also upon the death of Theudelaupus, Atto was made 
commander of that city. 2 


Aripert then, after he had ruled at Ticinum for nine 
years, died, 3 leaving the kingdom to be governed by his 
two sons, Perctarit and Godepert who were still of youth- 
ful age/ And Godepert, indeed, had the seat of his 
kingdom at Ticinum, but Perctarit, at the city of Medio- 
lanum. Between these brothers, at the instigation of 
evil men, quarrels and the kindling of hatreds arose to 
such a degree that each attempted to usurp the royal 
power of the other. Wherefore Godepert sent Garipald, 
duke of Turin, to Grimuald, who was then the enter- 
prising leader of the people of Beneventum, inviting 
him to come as soon as possible and bring aid to him 
against his brother Perctarit, and promising to give him 
his sister, the daughter of the king. But the ambassador, 
acting treacherously against his master, exhorted Grirn- 

lr This account is wholly fictitious. Chosroes II, although well 
disposed toward the Christian faith did not abjure his own (Waitz). 

'A. D. 653-663 (Hodgkin, VI, 96). 

"A. D. 661 (Hodgkin, VI, 241). 

* This is the first instance of a divided inheritance of the king- 
dom, if indeed we can speak of inheritance at all of a kingdom 
where the succession varied so greatly as in that cf the Lango- 


uald to come and himself seize the kingdom of the 
Langobards which the two youthful brothers were dis- 
sipating, since he was ripe in age, prudent in counsel 
and strong in resources. When Grimuald heard these 
things he presently set his mind upon obtaining the 
kingdom of the Langobards, and having established his 
son Romuald as duke of Beneventum, he took his way 
with a chosen band to proceed to Ticinum, and in all 
the cities through which his route lay he drew to him- 
self friends and auxiliaries for getting the kingdom. He 
dispatched, indeed, Count Transemund, of Capua, 
through Spoletium (Spoleto) and Tuscia (Tuscany) to 
attach the Langobards of those regions to an alliance 
with him. Transemund carried out his orders ener- 
getically, and met him on the way in Emilia with many 
auxiliaries. Therefore when Grimuald had come near 
Placentia (Piacenza) with a strong body of men, he 
dispatched ahead to Ticinum Garipald, who had been 
sent as a messenger to him by Godepert, so as to an- 
nounce his coming to this same Godepert. And when 
Garipald came to Godepert he said that Grimuald was 
quickly approaching. When Godepert asked him in what 
place he ought to prepare entertainment for this Grimu- 
ald, Garipald answered as follows : That it was fitting 
that Grimuald, who had come for his sake and was going 
to take his sister in marriage, should have his place of 
entertainment within the palace. And this also was so 
done, for when Grimuald came, he received his lodging 
within the palace. But this same Garipald, the sower 
of the whole wickedness, persuaded Godepert to come 
and speak with Grimuald only after putting on a cuirass 

BOOK IV. 207 

under his clothing, saying that Grimuald wanted to kill 
him. Again this same artist in deceit came to Grim- 
uald and said that unless he equipped himself stoutly 
Godepert would kill him with his sword, declaring that 
Godepert was wearing a cuirass under his clothing when 
he came to confer with him. Why say more? When, 
upon the following day, they had come to conference 
and Grimuald, after salutation, had embraced Godepert 
he immediately perceived that he was wearing a cuirass 
under his clothing, and without delay, he unsheathed 
his sword and deprived him of life, * and usurping his 
kingdom and all his power, he subjugated it to his 
dominion. But Godepert then had a son, a little boy, 
Raginpert by name, who was carried away by the faith- 
ful followers of his father and brought up secretly ; nor 
did Grimuald care to pursue him since he was still a 
little child. When Perctarit, who was ruling at Medio- 
lanum, heard that his brother was killed, he took flight 
with what speed he could and came to the Cagan, king 
of the Avars, leaving behind his wife Rodelinda and a 
little son named Cunincpert, both of whom Grimuald 
sent in exile to Beneventum. When these things had 
been thus brought to pass, Garipald, by whose instiga- 
tion and effort they had been accomplished and not 
only had he done these acts, but he had also committed 
a fraud in his embassy, since he had not transmitted 
whole and entire the gifts he ought to have brought to 
Beneventum the performer of such deeds then did not 
long rejoice. There was, indeed, in the household of 

'A. D. 662 (Hodgkin, VI, 243; Hartmann, II, I, 275). 


Godepert a little dwarf who came from the city of Turin. 
When he knew that duke Garipald, upon the very holy 
day of Easter would come to pray in the church of St. 
John, he got up en the sacred font of the baptistery 
and held himself by his left hand to a little column sup- 
porting the canopy 1 where Garipald was about to pass, 
and having drawn his sword he held it under his cloth- 
ing, and when Garipald had come near him to pass 
through, he lifted his garment and struck him on the 
neck with his sword with all his might and cut off his 
head upon the spot. Those who had come with Gari- 
pald fell upon him, killing him with wounds from many 
blows, but although he died, he still signally avenged 
the wrong done to his master Godepert. 

1 Tugurium, a place shut off and covered from above. See 
DuCange. The font itself had a roof or cover supported by small 



When therefore Grimuald had been confirmed in the 
sovereignty x at Ticinum, he married not long afterward 
king Aripert's daughter who had already been betrothed 
to him and whose brother Godepert he had killed. He 
sent back indeed to their own homes, supplied with many 
gifts, the army of Beneventines by whose aid he had 
acquired the sovereignty. He kept however quite a 
number of them to dwell with him, bestowing upon them 
very extensive possessions. 


When he afterwards learned that Perctarit had gone 
to Scythia as an exile and was living with the Cagan, he 
sent word to this Cagan, king of the Avars, by ambassa- 
dors that if he kept Perctarit in his kingdom he could 
not thereafter have peace, as he had had hitherto, with 
the Langobards and with himself. When the king of 
the Avars heard this, Perctarit was brought into his pres- 
ence and he said to him that he might go in what direc- 
tion he would, so that the Avars should not incur enmity 
with the Langobards on his account. 2 When Perctarit 

J A. D. 662 (Waitz). Grimuald, whose brothers, Taso and 
Cacco, had been treacherously murdered by the exarch in Oderzo, 
represented the national, anti-Roman sentiment of his people and 
was continually engaged in wars against the empire. 

'According to another account Perctarit testified to the good 


heard these things he went back to Italy to return to 
Grimuald for he had heard that he was very merciful. 
Then when he had come to the city of Lauda 1 (Lodi 
Vecchio) he sent ahead of him to king Grimuald, Unulf, 
a man most faithful to him to announce that Perctarit 
was approaching trusting to his protection. When the 
king heard this he promised faithfully that since 
Perctarit came trusting him he should suffer no harm. 
Meanwhile Perctarit arrived and went forward to Grimu- 
ald, and when he attempted to fall down at his feet, the 
king graciously held him back and raised him up to 
receive his kiss. Perctarit said to him : " I am your 
servant. Knowing you to be most Christian and p'ous, 
although I can live among the heathen, yet relying 
upon your mercy I have come to your feet." And 
the king with an oath, as he was wont, promised him 
again saying : " By Him who caused me to be born, 
since you have come to me trusting me, you will suffer 
nothing evil in any way but I will so provide for you 
that you can live becomingly." Then offering him a 
lodging in a spacious house, he bade him have a rest 
after the toil of the journey, ordering that food and 
whatever things were necessary should be supplied to 
him bountifully at public expense. But when Perctarit 
had come to the dwelling prepared for him by the king, 
presently throngs of the citizens of Ticinum began to 

faith of the Cagan who had refused a whole modius full of gold 
solid! for his betrayal (Waitz). 

1 The ancient Roman colony Laus Pompeia, a short distance 
southeast of Milan and northeast of Padua. 

BOOK V. 211 

gather around him to see him and salute him as an old 
acquaintance. But what cannot an evil tongue inter- 
rupt? For presently certain wicked flatterers coming to 
the king declared to him that unless he quickly deprived 
Perctarit of life, he would himself at once lose his king- 
dom with his life, asserting that the whole city had 
gathered around Perctarit for this purpose. When he 
heard these things, Grimuald became too credulous and 
forgetting what he had promised, he was straightway in- 
cited to the murder of the innocent Perctarit and took 
counsel in what way he might deprive him of life on 
the following day, since now the hour was very late. 
Finally in the evening he sent to him divers dishes, also 
special wines and various kinds of drinks so that he 
could intoxicate him, to the end that relaxed by much 
drinking during the night and buried in wine, he could 
think nothing of his safety. Then one who had been 
of his father's train, when he brought a dish from the 
king to this Perctarit, put his head under the table as if 
to salute him and announced to him secretly that the 
king was arranging to kill him. And Perctarit straight- 
way directed his cup-bearer that he should give him to 
drink in a silver drinking vessel nothing but a little 
water. And when those who brought him drinks of 
different kinds from the king asked him upon the com- 
mand of the king to drink the whole cup, he promised 
to drink it all in honor of the king, and took a little 
water from the silver cup. When the servants an- 
nounced to the king that he was drinking insatiably, the 
king merrily answered : " Let that drunkard drink; but 
to-morrow he will spill out the same wines mixed with 


blood." And Perctarit quickly called Unulf to him and 
announced to him the design of the king concerning his 
death. And Unulf straightway sent a servant to his 
house to bring him bed clothing x and ordered his couch 
to be put next to the couch of Perctarit. Without de- 
lay king Grimuald directed his attendants that they 
should guard the house in which Perctarit was reposing 
so that he could not escape in any way. And when 
supper was finished and all had departed and Perctarit 
only had remained with Unulf and Perctarit's valet, 8 
who in any case were entirely faithful to him, they dis- 
closed their plan to him and begged him to flee 
while the valet would pretend as long as possible that 
his master was sleeping within that bed chamber. And 
when he had promised to do this, Unulf put his own 
bed clothes and a mattress and a bear's skin upon the 
back and neck of Perctarit and began to drive him out 
of the door according to the plan, as if he were a slave 
from the country, offering him many insults, and did 
not cease moreover to strike him with a cudgel from 
above and urge him on, so that driven and struck he 
often fell to the ground. And when the attendants of 
the king who had been put on guard asked that same 
Unulf why this was, "That worthless slave," he says, 
" has put my bed in the chamber of that drunken Perc- 
tarit who is so full of wine that he lies there as if he 
were dead. But it is enough that I have followed his 

1 According to DuCange lectisternia means the trappings of 
a bed, cushions, bolster, etc. 

* Vestiarius, he who has charge of one's clothing (DuCange). 

BOOK V. 213 

madness up to the present time. From now on, during 
the life of our lord the king, I will stay in my own 
house." When they heard these things and believed 
what they heard to be true, they were delighted, and 
making way for the two, they let pass both him and Perc- 
tarit, whom they thought was a slave and who had his 
. head covered that he should not be recognized. And 
while they were going away, that most faithful valet 
bolted the door carefully and remained inside alone. 
Unulf indeed let Perctarit down by a rope from the wall 
at a corner which is on the side of the river Ticinum 
(Ticino) and collected what companions he could, and 
they, having seized some horses they had found in a 
pasture, proceeded that same night to the city of Asta 
(Asti) in which the friends of Perctarit were staying, 
and those who were still rebels against Grimuald. 
Thence Perctarit made his way as quickly as possible 
to the city of Turin, and afterwards passed across the 
boundaries of Italy and came to the country of the 
Franks. Thus God Almighty by His merciful arrange- 
ment delivered an innocent man from death and kept 
from offense a king who desired in his heart to do good. 


But king Grimuald, indeed, since he thought that 
Perctarit was sleeping in his lodging, caused a line of 
men to stand by on either side from this place of en- 
tertainment up to his palace, so that Perctarit might be 
led through the midst of them in order that he could 
not at all escape. And when those sent by the king 
had come and called Perctarit to the palace, and 


knocked at the door where they thought he was sleep- 
ing, the valet who was inside begged them saying: 
" Have pity with him and let him sleep a little because 
he is still wearied by his journey and oppressed by very 
heavy slumber." And when they had acquiesced, they 
announced this thing to the king, that Perctarit was 
sleeping up to this time in a heavy slumber. Then the 
king said : " Last evening he so filled himself with wine 
that now he cannot waken." He ordered them, how- 
ever, to arouse him at once and bring him to the palace. 
And when they came to the door of the bed-room in 
which they believed that Perctarit was sleeping, they 
began to knock more sharply. Then the valet began 
to beg them again that they would let this Perctarit 
still, as it were, sleep a little. And they cried out in 
rage that that drunken man had already slept enough. 
Straightway they broke open the door of the bed- 
chamber with their heels, entered, and looked for Perc- 
tarit in the bed. And when they did not find him, they 
supposed he was sitting down to the requirements of 
nature, and when they did not find him there, they 
asked that valet what had become of Perctarit. And he 
answered them that he had fled. Furious with rage they 
beat him, and seized him by the hair and straightway 
dragged him to the palace. And conducting him into 
the presence of the king they said that he was privy to 
the flight of Perctarit and therefore most deserving of 
death. The king directed him to be released and asked 
him in due order in what way Perctarit had escaped and 
he related to the king all the occurrences as they had 
taken place. Then the king asked those who were 

BOOK V. 215 

standing around and said : "What do you think of this 
man who has committed such things?" Then all 
answered with one voice that he deserved to die, racked 
with many torments, but the king said : " By Him who 
caused me to be born this man deserves to be treated x 
well, who for the sake of fidelity to his master did not 
refuse to give himself up to death." And presently, he 
ordered that he should be among his own valets enjoin- 
ing him to observe toward himself the same fidelity he 
had kept to Perctarit and promising to bestow upon him 
many advantages. And when the king asked what had 
become of Unulf, 2 it was announced to him that he had 
taken refuge in the church of the Blessed Archangel 
Michael. And he presently sent to him voluntarily 
promising that he should suffer no harm if he would 
only come and trust him. Unulf indeed, hearing this 
promise of the king, presently came to the palace and 
having fallen at the king's feet, was asked by him how 
and in what way Perctarit had been able to escape. But 
when he had told him everything in order, the king, 
praising his fidelity and prudence, graciously conceded 
to him all his "means and whatever he had been able to 


And when after some time the king asked Unulf 
whether he would then like to be with Perctarit, he 
answered with an oath that he would rather die with 

1 Read haberi for habere. 

* Ejus facultates. There is doubt whether this refers to the 
property of Unulf or of Perctarit (Hodgkin, VI, 251, note i). 


Perctarit than live anywhere else in the greatest enjoy- 
ment. Then the king also called for that valet, asking 
him whether he would prefer to stay with him in the 
palace or to spend his life wandering with Perctarit, and 
when he had given a like answer with Unulf, the king 
took their words kindly, praised their fidelity and 
directed Unulf to take from his house whatever he 
wanted, namely, his servants and his horses and furni- 
ture of all kinds and to proceed without harm to Perc- 
tarit. And in like manner also he dismissed that valet, 
and they, taking away all their goods, as much as they 
needed, according to the kindness of the king, set out 
with the help of the king himself into the country of the 
Franks to their beloved Perctarit. 


At this time an army of the Franks, coming forth from 
Provincia (Provence), entered into Italy. Grimuald 
advanced against them with the Langobards and de- 
ceived them by this stratagem : he pretended indeed to 
flee from their attack and left his camp with his tents 
quite clear of men but filled with divers good things 
and especially with an abundance of excellent wine. 
When the troops of the Franks had come thither, think- 
ing that Grimuald with the Langobards had been terri- 
fied by fear and had abandoned their whole camp, they 
straightway became merry and eagerly took possession 
of everything and prepared a very bountiful supper. 
And while they reposed, weighed down with the various 
dishes and with much wine and sleep, Grimuald rushed 
upon them after midnight and overthrew them with so 

BOOK V. 217 

great a slaughter that only a few of them escaped and were 
able with difficulty to regain their native country. The 
place where this battle was fought is called up to this 
time the Brook of the Franks * (Rivoli) 2 and it is not 
far distant from the walls of the little city of Asta ( Asti) . 


In these days the emperor Constantine who was also 
called Constans, 3 desiring to pluck Italy out of the hand 

1 Rivus Franc orum. 

1 Not the same as the scene of Napoleon' s victory. 

'Constans II, or more correctly Constantine IV, was born A. D. 
631, and became emperor in 642, when only eleven years old, 
on the death of his father Constantine III. During his reign the 
Saracens conquered Armenia (Hodgkin, VI, 253) and seized 
Cyprus and Rhodes. He fought in person a naval battle with 
them off the coast of Lycia in 655 and was defeated. In his reign 
the doctrine oftheMonotheletes or those who maintained that there 
was only one will in the nature of the Saviour, agitated the empire, 
and popes and patriarchs wrangled bitterly upon the subject. His 
grandfather Heraclius had declared in favor of the Monothelete 
heresy, even pope Honorius (Hartmann, II, i, 217) at one time 
acquiesced in it though he deprecated the strife and desired the 
church to abide by its ancient formulas. Finally, Constans in 648 
when only seventeen years of age issued his Type, forbidding con- 
troversy upon both sides. Pope Martin I, whose appointment 
lacked the confirmation of the emperor and who was regarded by 
the latter as a usurper, convened in 649, a council in the 
Lateran palace and anathematized the Type and its defenders 
(Hodgkin, VI, 255, 256). Constans regarded these proceedings 
as acts of rebellion and sent his chamberlain Olympius as exarch 
to Italy in 649 with directions to secure the acceptance of the Type 
and if possible to bring pope Martin a prisoner to Constantinople ; 
but the exarch found public opinion and the disposition of the 


of the Langobards, left Constantinople ' and taking his 
way along the coast, came to Athens, and i from there, 
having crossed the sea, he landed at Tarentum." Pre- 
viously, however, he went to a certain hermit who was 
said to have the spirit of prophecy, and sought eagerly 
to know from him whether he could overcome and 
conquer the nation of the Langobards which was dwell- 
ing in Italy. The servant of God had asked him for the 
space of one night that he might supplicate the Lord for 
this thing, and when morning came he thus answered 

army so adverse that he was compelled to renounce the project, 
and soon afterwards became the ally of the Pope and the Italians 
(Hartmann, II, I, 227), and with their support assumed independ- 
ent authority and led an army in Sicily against the Saracens where 
he died in 652 (id., p. 228). These acts were naturally regarded 
as an insurrection against the empire, and upon his death Con- 
stans sent Calliopas to Italy as exarch, who in June, 653, coming 
to Rome with the army from Ravenna, seized the Pope, who had 
taken refuge in the Lateran basilica, declared his deposition and 
sent him as a prisoner to Constantinople, where he arrived after 
long delays, was tried for treason, insulted, forced to stand as a 
public spectacle in the Hippodrome, was loaded with irons, 
immured in a dungeon and sentenced to death, but this was 
commuted to banishment in the Crimea. There he languished 
and died in 655 (Hodgkin, VI, 259-268). He was succeeded 
by Eugenius (A. D. 657) who was chosen Pope while Martin 
was still alive and Eugenius was followed by Vitalian (A. D. 
657-672), who lived on terms of accommodation with the em- 
peror, although there is no evidence that he abjured the doctrines 
of his predecessors (Hartmann, II, i, 232, 233). It was under 
Viialian that Constans' visit to Italy described in this chapter 

A. D. 662 (Hodgkin, VI, 270). 

*A. D. 663 (Hodgkin, VI, 271). 

BOOK V. 219 

the emperor: "The people of the Langobards cannot 
be overcome in any way, because a certain queen com- 
ing from another province has built the church of St. 
John the Baptist in the territories of the Langobards, and 
for this reason St. John himself continually intercedes 
for the nation of the Langobards. But a time shall 
come when this sanctuary will be held in contempt and 
then the nation itself shall perish." We have proved 
that this has so occurred, since we have seen that before 
the fall of the Langobards, this same church of St. John 
which was established in the place called Modicia 
(Monza) was managed by vile persons so that this holy 
spot was bestowed upon the unworthy and adulterous, 
not for the merit of their lives, but in the giving of spoils. 


Therefore after the emperor Constans, as we said, had 
come to Tarentum, he departed therefrom and invaded 
the territories of the Beneventines and took almost 
all the cities of the Langobards through which he 
passed. He also attacked bravely and took by storm 
Luceria, a rich city of Apulia, destroyed it and leveled 
it to the ground. Agerentia 1 (Acerenza), however, he 
could not at all take on account of the highly fortified 
position of the place. Thereupon he surrounded Bene- 
ventum with all his army and began to reduce it ener- 
getically. At that time Romuald, the son of Grimuald, 
still a young man, held the dukedom there and as soon 

1 A fortress on one of the outlying buttresses of Monte Vulture 
(Hodgkin, VI, 273). 


as he learned of the approach of the emperor, he sent 
his tutor, Sesuald by name, to his father iGrimuald on 
the other side of the Padus (Po) begging him to come 
as soon as possible and strongly reinforce his son and the 
Beneventines whom he himself had reared. When king 
Grimuald heard this he straightway started to go with 
an army to Beneventum to bring aid to his son. Many 
of the Langobards left him on the way and returned 
home saying that he had despoiled the palace and was 
now going back to Beneventum not to return. Mean- 
while the army of the emperor was assaulting Beneven- 
tum vigorously with various machines of war and on the 
other hand Romuald with his Langobards was resisting 
bravely, and although he did not dare to engage hand to 
hand with so great a multitude on account of the small- 
ness of his army, yet frequently dashing into the camp 
of the enemy with young men sent out for that purpose, 
he inflicted upon them great slaughter upon every side. 
And while Grimuald his father was now hastening on, he 
sent to his son to announce his approach, that same tu- 
tor of his of whom we have spoken. And when the 
latter had come near Beneventum he was captured by 
the Greeks and brought to the emperor, who asked of 
him whence he had come, and he said he had come 
from King Grimuald and he announced the speedy 
approach of that king. Straightway the emperor, 
greatly alarmed, took counsel with his followers in what 
way he could make a treaty with Romuald so as to 
return to Naples. 

BOOK V. 221 


After he had taken as a hostage the sister of Romu- 
ald whose name was Gisa, he made peace with him. 
He ordered the tutor Sesuald indeed to be led to the 
walls, threatening death to him if he should announce 
anything to Romuald or the people of the city concern- 
ing the approach of Grimuald, and (demanding) that 
he should rather declare that the king could not come. 
He promised that he would do this, as was enjoined 
upon him, but when he had come near the walls he said 
he wanted to see Romuald. And when Romuald had 
quickly come thither he thus spoke to him : " Be stead- 
fast, master Romuald, have confidence and do not be 
disturbed since your father will quickly come to give 
you aid. For know that he is stopping this night near 
the river Sangrus (Sangro)' with a strong army. Only 
I beseech you to have pity on my wife and children 
since this faithless race will not suffer me to live." 
When he had said this, his head was cut off by command 
of the emperor and thrown into the city by an instrument 
of war which they call a stone-thrower. 2 This head 
Romuald ordered brought to him and kissed it weeping 
and commanded that it should be buried in a suitable 
casket. 3 

1 In the present province of Abruzzi (Waitz), about fifty miles 
from Benevento. 

* Petraria. 

s All this as well as the two following chapters, seems inconsist- 
ent with the peace with Romuald mentioned in the first sentence 
of this chapter. Waitz suggests that possibly the peace was made 
after the incidents concerning Sesuald. Possibly Paul combined 
in his history accounts taken from two contradictory sources. 



Then the emperor, fearing the sudden ' approach of 
king Grimuald, broke up the siege of Beneventum and 
set out for Neapolis (Naples). Mitola, however, the 
Count of Capua, forcibly defeated his army near the 
river Calor (Calore), in the place \vhich up to the 
present time is called Pugna (the fight). 1 


After the emperor came to Naples it is said that 
one of his chief men, whose name was Saburrus, asked 
for twenty thousand soldiers from his sovereign, and 
pledged himself to fight against Romuald, and w r in the 
victory. And when he had received the troops and 
had come to a place whose name is Forinus (Forino) 2 
and had set up his camp there, Grimuald, who had 
already come to Beneventum, when he heard these 
things, wanted to set out against him. His son Romu- 
ald said to him : " There is no need, but do you turn 
over to me only a part of your army. With God's favor 
I will fight with him, and when I shall have conquered 
him a greater glory, indeed, will be ascribed of your 
power." It was done, and when he had received some 
part of his father's army, he set out with his own 
men likewise against Saburrus. Before he began the 

1 The Calore flows a little east of Benevento. Camiilus Pere- 
grinius believes that the river Sabatus (Sabato) is intended, w hich 
flows close to Iteneventum, and near which Peter the Deacon 
recognizes this place called Pugna (Waitz). 

* Between Avellino and Nocera (Waitz), about twenty -five miles 
east of Naples. 

BOOK V. 223 

battle with him he ordered the trumpets to sound on 
four sides, and immediately he rushed daringly upon 
them. And while both lines were fighting with great 
obstinacy, a man from the king's army named Ama- 
long, who had been accustomed to carry the royal pike, 
taking this pike in both hands struck violently with it a 
certain little Greek and lifted him from the saddle on 
which he was riding and raised him in the air over his 
head. When the army of the Greeks saw this, it was 
terrified by boundless fear and at once betook itself 
to flight, and overwhelmed with the utmost disaster, in 
fleeing it brought death upon itself and victory to 
Romuald and the Langobards. Thus Saburrus, who 
had promised that he would achieve for his emperor 
a trophy of victory from the Langobards, returned to 
him with a few men only and came off with disgrace ; 
but Romuald, when the victory was obtained from the 
enemy, returned in triumph to Beneventum and brought 
joy to his father and safety to all, now that the fear of 
the enemy was taken away. 


But the emperor Constans, when he found that he 
could accomplish nothing against the Langobards, 
directed all the threats of his cruelty against his own 
followers, that is, the Romans. He left Naples and pro- 
ceeded to Rome. 1 At the sixth mile-stone from the 
city, pope Vitalian came to meet him with his priests 

>July 5, 663. No emperor had visited Rome for nearly two 
centuries (Hodgkin VI, 276). 


and the Roman people. ' And when the emperor had 

come to the threshold of St. Peter he offered there a 


pallium woven with gold ; and remaining at Rome twelve 
days he pulled down everything that in ancient times had 
been made of metal for the ornament of the city, to 
such an extent that he even stripped off the roof of the 
church of the blessed Mary which at one time was called 
the Pantheon, and had been founded in honor of all the 
gods and was now by the consent of the former rulers 
the place of all the martyrs ; and he took away from 
there the bronze tiles and sent them with all the other 
ornaments to Constantinople. Then the emperor re- 
turned to Naples, and proceeded by the land route to 
the city of Regium (Reggio) ; and having entered 
Sicily 2 during the seventh indiction 3 he dwelt in Syra- 
cuse and put such afflictions upon the people the in- 
habitants and land owners of Calabria, Sicily, Africa, and 
Sardinia as were never heard of before, so that even 
wives were separated from their husbands and children 
from their parents. 4 The people of these regions also 
endured many other and unheard of things so that the 
hope of life did not remain to any one. For even the 
sacred vessels and the treasures of the holy churches of 

1 The relations between the emperor Constans and the popes 
had been decidedly strained on account of the Monothelete contro- 
versy (see note to Chap. 6, supra). 

9 His purpose was to use Sicily as a base of operations against 
the Saracens in Africa (Hodgkin VI, 280). 

8 Commencing September, 663. 

* Sold into slavery to satisfy the demands of the tax gatherers 
(Hodgkin VI, 280). 

BOOK V. 225 

God were carried away by the imperial command and 
by the avarice of the Greeks. And the emperor re- 
mained in Sicily from the seventh to the twelfth T indic- 
tion, 2 but at last he suffered the punishment of such 
great iniquities and while he was in the bath he was put 
to death by his own servants. 3 


When the emperor Constantine was killed at Syracuse, 
Mecetius (Mezezius) seized the sovereignty in Sicily, 
but without the consent of the army of the East. 4 The 
soldiers of Italy, others throughout Istria, others through 
the territories of Campania and others from the regions 
of Africa and Sardinia came to Syracuse against him 
and deprived him of life. And many of his judges were 
brought to Constantinople beheaded and with them in 
like manner the head of the false emperor was also car- 
ried off. 

1 An error. This should be eleventh indiction. He was killed 
July 15, 668 (Hodgkin VI, 281, note 2). 

1 In Sicily he decreed the independence of the bishopric of 
Ravenna from that of Rome, thus attempting to create two heads 
of the church in Italy, a severe blow to the papacy (Hartmann II, 
i, 250, 251), a measure which, however, was revoked after his 

8 His valet Andreas struck him with a soap box (Hodgkin 
VI, 281). 

4 Paul seems to have misunderstood the Liber Pontificalis (Ad- 
eodatus) from which he took this passage, which reads: " Mezezius 
who was in Sicily with the army of the East, rebelled and seized 
the sovereignty." 



The nation of the Saracens that had already spread 
through Alexandria and Egypt, hearing these things, 
came suddenly with many ships, invaded Sicily, entered 
Syracuse and made a great slaughter of the people a 
few only escaping with difficulty who had fled to the 
strongest fortresses and the mountain ranges and they 
carried off also great booty and all that art work in brass 
and different materials which the emperor Constantine 
had taken away from Rome ; and thus they returned to 


Moreover the daughter of the king, who we said had 
been carried away from Beneventum as a hostage * came 
to Sicily and ended her last days. 


At this time there were such great rain storms and 
such thunders as no man had remembered before, so 
that countless thousands of men and animals were killed 
by strokes of lightning. In this year the pulse which 
could not be gathered on account of the rains grew again 
and was brought to maturity. * 


But king Grimuald indeed, when the Beneventines 
and their provinces had been delivered from the Greeks, 

1 See Chapter 8 supra, 

1 These events are placed by the Liber Pontificalis in the year 
of the death of Pope Adeodatus (672) (Jacobi, 54, 55). 

BOOK V. 227 

determined to return to his palace at Ticinum, and to 
Transamund, who had formerly been count of Capua 
and had served him most actively in acquiring the king- 
dom, he gave his daughter, another sister of Romuald 
in marriage, and made him duke of Spoletium (Spo- 
leto) after Atto of whom we have spoken above. 1 
Then he returned to Ticinum. 


When indeed Grasulf, duke of the Friulans died, as 
we mentioned before, Ago was appointed his successor 
in the dukedom; 2 and from his name a certain house 
situated within Forum Julii (Cividale) is called Ago's 
House up to this day. When this Ago had died, Lupus 
was made commander of the Friulans. 3 This Lupus 
entered into the island of Gradus (Grado) which is 
not far from Aquileia, with an army of horsemen over 
a stone highway which had been made in old times 
through the sea, and having plundered that city, he 
removed from thence and carried back the treasures of 
the church of Aquileia. When Grimuald set out for 
Beneventum, he intrusted his palace to Lupus. 

Since this Lupus had acted very insolently at Ticinum 

1 IV, 50 supra. 

'The date is uncertain. De Rubeis says 66 1, Hodgkin thinks 
about 645 (VI, 285). 

*A. D. 663 according to De Rubeis, about 660 according to 
Hodgkin (VI, 285). 


in the king's absence, 1 because he did not think he 
would return, when the king did come back, Lupus, 
knowing that the things he had not done rightly were 
displeasing to him, repaired to Forum Julii and, con- 
scious of his own wickedness, rebelled against this king. 


Then Grimuald, unwilling to stir up civil war among 
the Langobards, sent word to the Cagan, king of the 
Avars, to come into Forum Julii with his army against 
duke Lupus and defeat him in war. And this was 
done. For the Cagan came with a great army, and in 
the place which is called Flovius, 2 as the older men who 
were in that war have related to us, during three days 
duke Lupus with the Friulans fought against the Cagan's 
army. On the first day indeed he defeated that strong 
army, very few of his own men being wounded ; on the 
second day he killed in like manner many of the Avars, 
but a number of his own were now wounded and dead ; 
on the third day very many of his own were wounded 
or killed, nevertheless he destroyed a great army of the 
Cagan and took abundant booty; but on the fourth day 
they saw so great a multitude coming upon them that 
they could scarcely escape by flight. 

1 That is when he went to the relief of Romuald who was be- 
sieged at Benevento by Constans. 

* Fluvius Frigidus in the valley of Wippach in the province of 
Krain (Waitz) "Cold River below the pass of the Pear Tree," 
southeast of Cividale (Hodgkin, VI, 286, note i). 

BOOK V. 229 


When duke Lupus then had been killed there, the 
rest who had remained (alive) fortified themselves in 
strongholds. But the Avars, scouring all their terri- 
tories, plundered or destroyed everything by fire. 
When they had done this for some days, word was sent 
them by Grimuald that they should now rest from their 
devastation. But they sent envoys to Grimuald saying 
that they would by no means give up Forum Julii, 
which they had conquered by their own arms. 


Then Grimuald, compelled by necessity, began to 
collect an army that he might drive the Avars out of his 
territories. He set up therefore in the midst of the 
plain his camp and the place where he lodged the Avar 
(ambassadors), and since he had only a slender frag- 
ment of his army, he caused those he had to pass fre- 
quently during several days before the eyes of the 
envoys in different dress and furnished with various 
kinds of arms, as if a new army was constantly advanc- 
ing. The ambassadors of the Avars indeed, when they 
saw this same army pass by, first in one way and then 
in another, believed that the multitude of the Lango- 
bards was immense. And Grimuald thus spoke to 
them : " With all this multitude of an army which you 
have seen I will straightway fall upon the Cagan and 
the Avars unless they shall quickly depart from the 
territories of the Friulans." When the envoys of the 
Avars had seen and heard these things, and had re- 


peated them to their king, he presently returned with 
all his army to his own kingdom. 


Finally, after Lupus was killed in this way, as we have 
related, Arnefrit, his son, sought to obtain the dukedom 
at Forum Julii in the place of his father. But fearing 
the power of king Grimuald, he fled into Carnuntum, 
which they corruptly call Carantanum (Carinthia) x to 
the nation of the Slavs, 2 and afterwards coming with the 
Slavs as if about to resume the dukedom by their means, 
he was killed when the Friulans attacked him at the for- 
tress of Nemae (Nimis), which is not far distant from 


Afterwards Wechtari was appointed duke at Forum 
Julii. He was born at the city of Vincentia (Vicenza), 
was a kind man, and one who ruled his people mildly. 
When the nation of the Slavs had heard that he had set 
out for Ticinum, they collected a strong multitude and 
determined to attack the fortress of Forum Julii, and 
they came and laid out their camp in the place which is 
called Broxas, 4 not far from Forum Julii. But it hap- 

1 The name given by Paul (Carnuntum), the modern Presburg, 
is incorrect, Carantanum was the proper name for Carinthia 
(Hodgkin, VI, 288, note i). 

1 These Slavs belonged to the Slovene branch of the Slav race 
(Hodgkin VI, 288). 

About 15 miles northwest of Cividale (Hodgkin, VI, 288). 

4 Bethmann believes that a certain stronghold, Purgessimus, is 

BOOK V. 231 

pened according to the Divine will that the evening 
before, duke Wechtari came back from Ticinum without 
the knowledge of the Slavs. While his companions, as 
is wont to happen, had gone home, he himself, hearing 
these tidings concerning the Slavs, advanced with a few 
men, that is, twenty-five, against them. When the Slavs 
saw him coming with so few they laughed, saying that 
the patriarch was advancing against them with his clergy. 
When he had come near the bridge of the river Natisio 
(Natisone), 1 which was where the Slavs were staying, 
he took his helmet from his head and showed his face 
to them. He was bald-headed, and when the Slavs 
recognized him that he was Wechtari, they were imme- 
diately alarmed and cried out that Wechtari was there, 
and terrified by God they thought more of flight than 
of battle. Then Wechtari, rushing upon them with the 
few men he had, overthrew them with such great 
slaughter that out of five thousand men a few only 
remained, who escaped with difficulty. 2 

meant, near the bridge hereafter referred to; others say Prosascus, 
at the source of the Natisone; others, Borgo Bressana, a suburb of 
Cividale (Waitz). Musoni (Atti del Congresso in Cividale, 1899, 
pp. 187, 1 88) considers all these conjectures inadmissible, and 
shows that it was at the place now called Brischis, near that city. 

1 Waitz says the bridge of San Pietro dei Schiavi. Musoni (Atti, 
etc., p. 191), believes it was probably the present bridge of San 

2 It is evident that this account, which is no doubt based upon 
oral tradition and perhaps has some historical basis, has been 
greatly exaggerated, if indeed there is not a mistake in the figures, 
as Muratori suggests, The allusion to the patriarch also appears 
to contain an anachronism, since it was in 737, after these events, 



After this Wechtari, Landari held the 'dukedom at 
Forum Julii, and when he died Rodoald succeeded him 
in the dukedom. 


When then, as we have said, duke Lupus had died, 
king Grimuald gave Lupus' daughter Theuderada to his 
own son Romuald, who was governing Beneventum. 1 
From her he begot three sons, that is, Grimuald, Gisulf, 
and also Arichis. 


Also king Grimuald avenged his injuries (received) 
from all those who deserted him when he had set out 
for Beneventum. 


But he also destroyed in the following manner Forum 
Populi (Forlimpopoli), a city of the Romans, 2 whose 
citizens had inflicted certain injuries upon him when he 

that the patriarch Calixtus removed his see to Cividale. Com- 
munities of Slavs still inhabit a portion of Friuli; they are divided, 
according to their linguistic peculiarities, into four principal groups, 
and probably came into this district at different times. (Musoni, 
Atti del Congresso in Cividale, 1899, pp. 187, 193.) 

1 Theuderada emulated Theudelinda in piety, and established 
the duchy of Benevento in the Catholic faith (Hodgkin, VI, 297, 

1 On tht ^milian way, twenty miles south of Ravenna (Hodg- 
kin, VI, 290). 

BOOK V. 233 

set out for Beneventum and had often annoyed his cour- 
iers gojng from Beneventum and returning. Having left 
Tuscany 1 through Bardo's Alp 2 (Bardi) at the time of 
Lent without any knowledge of the Romans, he rushed 
unexpectedly upon that city on the holy Sabbath of 
Easter itself 3 in the hour when the baptism was occur- 
ring and made so great a carnage of men slain that he 
killed in the sacred font itself even those deacons who 
were baptizing little infants. And he so overthrew that 
city that very few inhabitants remain in it up to the 
present time. 


Grimuald had indeed no ordinary hatred against the 
Romans, since they had once treacherously betrayed his 
brothers Taso and Cacco. 4 Wherefore he destroyed to 
its foundations the city of Opitergtum (Oderzo) where 
they were killed, and divided the territories of those who 
had dwelt there among the people of Forum Julii (Civi- 
dale), Tarvisium (Treviso) and Ceneta (Ceneda). 

1 Read e Tuscia cgressus in place of Tusciam ingressus (Hodg- 
kin VI, 290, note 3). 

*A pass of the Apennines near Parma. There is evidently 
some mistake, either in the text or else by Paul, as the two places 
are far apart (Hodgkin, VI, 290, note 3). Otto von Freising says 
that the whole Apennine range was so called (Abel). 

1 Sabbato paschali. Abel translates Easter Saturday, Hodgkin 
(VI, 290) Easter Sunday, which seems more probable from the 

4 IV, 38, supra. 



During these times a duke of the Bulgarians, Alzeco 
by name, left his own people, from what cause is un- 
known, and peacefully entering Italy with the whole 
army of his dukedom, came to king Grimuald, promising 
to serve him and to dwell in his country. And the king 
directing him to Beneventum to his son Romuald, ordered 
that the latter should assign to him and his people places 
to dwell in. ' Duke Romuald, receiving them graciously, 
accorded to them extensive tracts to settle which had 
been deserted up to that time, namely, Sepinum (Sepino) , 
Bovianum (Bojano), Isernia 3 and other cities with their 
territories and directed that Alzeco himself, the name of 
his title being changed, should be called gastaldius 3 
instead of duke. And they dwell up to the present time 
in these places, as we have said, and although they also 
speak Latin, they have not at all forsaken the use of their 
own language. 


When the emperor Constans, as we said,* had been 
killed in Sicily and the tyrant Mezetius who had suc- 
ceeded him had been punished, Constantine, the son of 
the emperor Constantius, undertook the government of 
the empire of the Romans and reigned over the Romans 

1 Theophanes (Historia Miscella) relates the story differently 

J Places in the highlands of Samnium (Hodgkin VI, 284). 
*See note II, 32, supra, pp. 88-91. 
4 Ch. 12, supra. 

BOOK V. 235 

seventeen years. In the times of Constans indeed the 
archbishop Theodore and the abbot Adrian, also a very 
learned man, were sent by pope Vitalian into Britain and 
made very many churches of the Angles productive of 
the fruit of ecclasiastical doctrine. Of these men arch- 
bishop Theodore has described, with wonderful and dis- 
cerning reflection, the sentences for sinners, namely, for 
how many years one ought to do penance fcr each sin. 1 


Afterwards, in the month of August, a comet appeared 
in the east with very brilliant rays, which again turned 
back upon itself and disappeared. And without delay 
a heavy pestilence followed from the same eastern quar- 
ter and destroyed the Roman people. In these days 
Domnus (Donus), Pope of the Roman Church, covered 
with large white blocks of marble in a wonderful manner 
the place which is called Paradise in front of the church 
of the blessed apostle Peter. 


At this time Dagipert governed the kingdom of the 
Franks in Gaul and with him king Grimuald entered into 
a treaty of lasting peace. 2 Perctarit also, who had 
settled in the country of the Franks, fearing the power 

1 The book is entitled Poenitentiale (Giansevero). 

1 This appears to be doubtful, as Dagipert II, to whom it refers, 
came to the throne in 674, after Grimuald' s death (Jacobi, 42). 
Hartmann believes that the treaty was made, though not with 
Dagipert (II, i, 277). Clothar III or Childeric are suggested 


of this Grimuald, departed from Gaul and determined to 
hasten to the island of Britain and the king of the Saxons. 


But Grimuald indeed having remained in the palace 
on the ninth day after the use of the lancet, took his 
bow and when he attempted to hit a dove with an arrow, 
the vein of his arm was ruptured. The doctors, as they 
say, administered poisoned medicines and totally with- 
drew him from this life. He added in the edict which 
king Rothari had composed certain chapters of law 
which seemed useful to him. 1 He was moreover very 
strong in body, foremost in boldness, with a bald head 
and a heavy beard and was adorned with wisdom no 
less than with strength. And his body was buried in 
the church of the blessed Ambrose the Confessor, which 
he had formerly built in the city of Ticinum. Upon 
the expiration of one year and three months after the 
death of king Aripert, he usurped the kingdom of the 
Langobards, reigned nine years and left as king Garibald 
his son, still of boyish age whom the daughter of king 
Aripert had borne him. 2 Then, as we had begun to 
say, Perctarit having departed from Gaul, embarked in 

1 In these chapters he discouraged the wager of b?.ttle and made 
strict provisions against bigamy, a crime which seems to have 
been increasing. He also incorporated the Roman principle in 
the succession of property, that when a father died the children 
should represent and take his share. His edict was issued A. D. 
668 (Hodgkin, VI, 291, 292). 

3 His elder son Romuald seems to have kept the duchy of Bene- 

BOOK V. 237 

a ship to pass over to the island of Britain to the king- 
dom of. the Saxons. And when he had already sailed 
a little way through the sea, a voice was heard from the 
shore of one inquiring whether Perctarit was in that ship. 
And when the answer was given him that Perctarit was 
there, he who called out added : " Say to him he may 
return to his country since to-day is the third day that 
Grimuald has been withdrawn from this life." When he 
heard this, Perctarit straightway turned back again and 
coming to the shore could not find the person who in- 
formed him of the death of Grimuald, from which he 
thought that this was not a man but a Divine messenger. 
And then directing his course to his own country, when 
he had come to the confines of Italy he found already 
there awaiting him all the retinue of the palace, and all 
the royal officials in readiness together with a great 
multitude of the Langobards. And thus when he re- 
turned to Ticinum, and the little boy Garibald had been 
driven away from the kingdom, he was raised to the 
kingly power by all the Langobards, the third month 
after the death of Grimuald. 1 He was moreover a pious 
man, a Catholic in belief, 2 tenacious of justice and a very 
bountiful supporter of the poor. And he straightway 
sent to Beneventum and called back from thence his 
wife Rodelinda and his son Cunincpert. 

X A. D. 671 (Hartmann, II, i, 255). 

1 So much a Catholic that he caused the Jews in the kingdom to 
be baptized, and ordered all who refused to be slain (Song of the 
Synod of Pavia; see Hodgkin, VI, 303). Grimuald' s aggressive 
policy against the Romans was now abandoned. 



And as soon as he had taken upon himself the rights 
of sovereignty, he built in that place which is on the 
side of the river Ticinus (Ticino) whence he himself 
had previously escaped, a convent called the New one, 
to his Lord and Deliverer in honor of the Holy Virgin 
and Martyr Agatha. 1 In it he gathered together many 
virgins, and he also endowed this place with possessions 
and ornaments of many kinds. His queen Rodelinda 
indeed built with wonderful workmanship outside the 
walls of this city of Ticinum a church of the Holy 
Mother of God which is called " At the Poles," and 
adorned it with marvelous decorations. This place 
moreover was called "At the Poles" because formerly 
poles, that is beams, had stood there upright which 
were wont to be planted according to the custom of the 
Langobards for the following reason : if any one were 
killed in any place either in war or in any other way, 
his relatives fixed a pole within their burial ground 
upon the top of which they placed a dove made of 
wood that was turned in that direction where their 
beloved had expired so that it might be known in what 
place he who had died was sleeping. 


Then Perctarit, when he had ruled alone for seven 
years, now in the eighth year took his son Cunincpert 

1 It is said his escape occurred in the night before the festival of 
St. Agatha (Waitz). 

BOOK V. 239 

as his consort in the government and with him he 
reigned in like manner for ten years. 1 


And while they were living in great peace and had 
tranquility around them on every side, there arose 
against them a son of iniquity, Alahis by name, by 
whom the peace was disturbed in the kingdom of the 
Langobards, and a great slaughter was made of the 
people. This man, when he was duke of the city of 
Tridentum (Trent), fought with the count of the 
Bavarians that they call " gravio " 2 who governed 
Bauzanum (Botzen) and other strongholds, and de- 
feated him in an astonishing manner. Elated from 
this cause, he also lifted his hand against Perctarit his 
king, and rebelling, fortified himself within the strong- 
hold of Tridentum. King Perctarit advanced against 
him and while he besieged him from the outside, sud- 
denly Alahis rushed unexpectedly out of the city with 
his followers, overthrew the king's camp and compelled 
the king himself to seek flight. He afterwards however 
returned to the favor of king Perctarit through the 
agency of Cunincpert, the king's son, who loved him now 
for a long time. For when the king had at different times 
wanted to put him to death, his son Cunincpert always 
prevented this being done, thinking that he would there- 
after be faithful, nor did he refrain from getting his 

1 This seems to be a mistake. The period was something more 
than eight years (Hodgkin, VI, 304). 
1 Or grafio, the German Graf. 


father also to bestow upon Alahis the dukedom of Brexia 
(Brescia), although the father often protested that Cun- 
incpert did this to his own ruin, since he offered his 
enemy the means of obtaining the kingly power. The 
city of Brexia indeed had always a great multitude of 
noble Langobards and Perctarit feared that by their aid 
Alahis would become too powerful. In these days 
king Perctarit built with wonderful workmanship in 
the city of Ticinum, a gate adjoining the palace which 
was also called the " Palace Gate." 


When he had held the sovereignty eighteen years, 1 
first alone and afterwards with his son, he was withdrawn 
from this life and his body was buried hard by the 
church of our Lord the Saviour which Aripert his father 
had built. He was of becoming stature, of a corpulent 
body, mild and gentle in all things. But king Cuninc- 
pert indeed took to wife Hermelinda, of the race of the 
Anglo-Saxons. 2 She had seen in the bath Theodote, a 
girl sprung from a very noble stock of Romans, of 
graceful body and adorned with flaxen hair almost to 
the feet, and she praised the girl's beauty to king 
Cunincpert, her husband. And although he concealed 
from his wife that he had heard this with pleasure, he 

1 But see chapter 35, supra and note. 

1 Egbert, king of Kent from 664 to 673, had a sister Eormengild 
and an uncle Eormenred, whose daughters' names all begin with 
"Eormen." Eormenlind or Hermelinda probably came from 
one of these families (Hodgkin, VI, 305, note 3). 

BOOK V. 241 

was inflamed, nevertheless, with great love for the girl, 
and without delay he set forth to hunt in the wood they 
call " The City," and directed his wife Hermelinda to 
come with him. And he stole out from there by night 
and came to Ticinum, and making the girl Theodote 
come to him he lay with her. Yet he sent her after- 
wards into a monastery in Ticinum which was called by 
her name. 


Alahis indeed gave birth to the iniquity he had long 
since conceived, and with the help of Aldo and Grauso, 
citizens of Brexia, as well as many others of the Lango- 
bards, forgetful of so many favors that king Cunincpert 
had conferred upon him, forgetting also the oath by 
which he had engaged to be most faithful to him, he 
took possession, while Cunincpert was absent, of his 
kingly power and of the palace that stood at Ticinum. 
Cunincpert, hearing this at the place where he was, 
straightway fled to an island which is in Lake Larius 
(Como), not far from Comum (Como), and there for- 
tified himself strongly. 

But there was great grief among all who loved him 
and especially among the priests and clergy, all of whom 
Alahis held in hatred. There was indeed at that time a 
bishop of the church of Ticinum, Damianus, a man of 
God, distinguished for sanctity and well instructed In the 
liberal arts. When he saw that Alahis had taken pos- 
session of the palace, in order that neither he nor his 
church should suffer harm from him, he dispatched to 
him his deacon Thomas, a wise and religious man and 


sent by him to this same Alahis the blessing 1 of his holy 
church. It was announced to Alahis that ,Thomas the 
deacon stood before the door and had brought the bene- 
diction from the bishop. Then Alahis, who as we said, 
held all churchmen in hatred, thus spoke to his servants : 
" Go, say to him if he has clean breeches he may come 
in but if otherwise let him keep his foot outside." 
Thomas, indeed, when he had heard these expressions 
thus answered : " Say to him that I have clean breeches, 
since I put them on washed to-day." Alahis sent word 
to him again as follows : " I do not speak of the breeches 
but of the things that are inside the breeches." To 
these things Thomas thus made answer: " Go, say to 
him God only can find blame in me for these causes, 
but that man can by no means do so." And when 
Alahis had made this deacon come in to him he spoke 
with him very bitterly and with reproaching. Then fear 
and hatred of the tyrant took possession of all the 
churchmen and priests, since they deemed they could 
not at all bear his rudeness ; and they began to wish for 
Cunincpert so much the more as they had in execration 
the haughty usurper of the kingdom. But not very long 
did rudeness and rough brutality keep the sovereignty 
they had usurped. 


In fine, on a certain day when he was counting solidi 
upon a table, one tremisses * fell from that table, which 

1 Benedictio, perhaps ' ' the bread of the Eucharist ' ' the ' ' blessed 
bread ' ' (Waitz). See DuCange Benedictiones, Eulogia. 

* A coin, the third part of a solidus, and worth, says Hodgkin, 

BOOK V. 243 

the son of Aldo, who was yet a little boy, picked from 
the fl.oor and gave back to this Alahis. Thinking that 
the boy understood but little, Alahis spoke to him as 
follows : " Your father has many of these which he is 
soon going to give me if God shall so will." When this 
boy had returned to his father in the evening, his father 
asked him if the king had said anything to him that day, 
and he reported to his father all the things as they had 
happened and what the king had said to him. When 
Aldo heard these things he was greatly concerned ; and 

(VI, 308), about four shillings. Soetbeer (Forschungen zur 
Deutschen Geschichte, II, pp. 374 to 383) gives an account of the 
coins used by the Langobards. The mode of computation was 
the same as in the Greek jurisdiction of Ravenna (p. 374). The 
tremisses, not the whole solidus, was the common coin and those 
coined at Lucca after the time of the Ostrogothic kingdom (both be- 
fore that city fell under the Langobards and afterwards down to 797), 
were an important medium of circulation. The average weight of 
the oldest of these coins was 1.38 grammes corresponding with 
the Byzantine coins of the same period, while the coins of Lucca 
varied much in the fineness of the gold, from 23 carats, the Byzan- 
tine standard, down to 15 the average being perhaps 17 or 18 
(pp. 375, 376, 380). After the subjection of Lucca (about the 
year 640) and before the names of the last Langobard kings, 
Aistulf and Desiderius were placed upon the coins, that is during 
the period described in the text, the average weight was 1.33 
grammes, while the fineness of the gold was very slightly reduced. 
Under Aistulf and Desiderius the average weight was 1.12 grammes. 
It is not possible to say which Langobard king first began to coin 
money. Rothari in his Edict made provision for the punishment 
of false coinage, but the first king whose monogram appears upon 
a tremisses is Grimuald (Hartmann, II, 2, 33), and the first king's 
portrait is that of Cunincpert. The duchy of Benevento had also 
a special coinage of its own (id). 


joining his brother Grauso he reported to him all the 
things the king had ill-naturedly said. And' they pres- 
ently took counsel with their friends and with those 
they could trust, in what way they might deprive the 
tyrant Alahis of his sovereignty before he could do them 
any injury. And later they set out to the palace and 
spoke to Alahis as follows: "Why do you deign to 
stay in town ? See ! all the city and the whole people 
are faithful to you, and that drunken Cunincpert is so 
broken up that he cannot now have any further re- 
sources. Depart and go to the hunt and exercise your- 
self with your young men, and we, with the rest of your 
faithful subjects, will defend this city for you. But we 
also promise you that we will soon bring you the head 
of your enemy, Cunincpert." And he was persuaded 
by their words and departed from the city and set out 
for the very extensive City forest, and there began to 
exercise himself with sports and huntings. Aldo and 
Grauso, however, went to Lake Comacinus (Como), 
embarked in a boat and proceeded to Cunincpert. 
When they came to him they threw themselves at his 
feet, acknowledged that they had acted unjustly against 
him and reported to him what Alahis had knavishly 
spoken against them and what counsel they had given 
him to his ruin. Why say more? They shed tears 
together and gave oaths to each other fixing the day 
when Cunincpert should come that they might deliver 
to him the city of Ticinum. And this was done, for on 
the appointed day Cunincpert came to Ticinum, was 
received by them most willingly and entered his palace. 
Then all the citizens, and especially the bishop and the 

BOOK V. 245 

priests also and the clergy, young men and old, ran to 
him eagerly and all embraced him with tears, and filled 
with boundless joy, shouted their thanks to God for his 
return ; and he kissed them all as far as he could. Sud- 
denly there came to Alahis one who announced that 
Aldo and Grauso had fulfilled all they had promised 
him and had brought him the head of Cunincpert, and 
not only his head, but also his whole body, for the man 
declared that he was staying in the palace. When Ala- 
his heard this he was overwhelmed with dismay, and 
raging and gnashing his teeth, he threatened many 
things against Aldo and Grauso, and departed thence 
and returned through Placentia (Piacenza) to Austria 1 
and joined to himself as allies the various cities, partly 
by flatteries, partly by force. For when he came to 
'Vincentia (Vicenza) the citizens went forth against him 
and made ready for war, but presently they were con- 
quered and were made his allies. Going forth from 
thence he entered Tarvisium (Treviso), and in like 
manner also the remaining cities. And when Cuninc- 
pert collected an army against him, and the people of 
Forum Julii (Cividale), 2 on account of their fidelity, 

1 This name was used to designate the eastern part of the Lango- 
bard kingdom, and was often mentioned in the laws of king 
Liutprand (Waitz). Its western boundary was the Adda, and the 
land west of that stream was called Neustria, which, with a third 
division, Tuscia, constituted the main kingdom immediately sub- 
ject to the king, as distinguished from the duchies of Spoleto and 

*It will be noticed here that the people of Forum Julii and not 
the duke is mentioned. This is one of the signs of the gradual 


wished to march to Cunincpert's assistance, Alahis him- 
self lay hid in the wood which is called Capulanus by the 
bridge of the river Liquentia (Livenza), which is distant 
forty-eight miles from Forum Julii and is in the way of 
those going to Ticinum, and when the army of the 
people of Forum Julii came, a few at a time, he com- 
pelled them all as they arrived to swear allegiance to 
him, diligently watching lest anyone of them should 
turn back and report this thing to the others who were 
approaching; and thus all those coming from Forum 
Julii were bound to him by oath. Why say more? 
Alahis with the whole of Austria, and on the other hand 
Cunincpert with his followers came and set up their 
camps in the field whose name is Coronate (Kornate). 1 


Cunincpert dispatched a messenger to him, sending 
him word that he would engage with him in single com- 
bat ; that there was no need of using up the army of 
either. To these words Alahis did not at all agree. 
When one of his followers, a Tuscan by race, calling 
him a warlike and brave man, advised him to go forth 
boldly against Cunincpert, Alahis replied to these words : 
" Cunincpert, although he is a drunkard and of a stupid 
heart, is nevertheless quite bold and of wonderful 
strength. For in his father's time when we were boys 
there were in the palace wethers of great size which he 

decrease in the power of the dukes in the northern portions of the 
Langobard kingdom. (See note 3, Bk. II, Ch. 32 supra.) 

1 By the Adda, about ten miles southwest of Bergamo (Hodg- 
kin, VI, 311). 

BOOK V. 247 

seized by the wool of the back and lifted from the 
ground with outstretched arm, which, indeed, I was not 
able to do." That Tuscan hearing these things said to 
him : " If you do not dare to go into a fight with Cun- 
incpert in single combat you will not have me any longer 
as a companion in your support." And saying this he 
broke away and straightway betook himself to Cuninc- 
pert and reported these things to him. Then, as we 
said, both lines came together in the field of Coronate. 
And when they were already near, so that they were 
bound to join in battle, Seno, a deacon of the church of 
Ticinum, who was the guardian of the church of St. 
John the Baptist (which was situated within that city 
and which queen Gundiperga had formerly built), since 
he loved the king very much, and feared lest his sove- 
reign should perish in war, said to the king : " My lord 
king, our whole life lies in your welfare. If you perish 
in battle that tyrant Alahis will destroy us by various 
punishments; therefore may my counsel please you. 
Give me a suit of your armor and I will go and fight 
with that tyrant. If I shall die, you may still re-estab- 
lish your cause, but if I shall win, a greater glory will be 
ascribed to you, because you will have conquered by 
your servant." And when the king refused to do this, 
his few faithful ones who were present began to beg 
him with tears that he would give his consent to those 
things the deacon had said. Overcome at last, since he 
was of a tender heart, by their prayers and tears, he 
handed his cuirass and his helmet, and his greaves and 
his other arms to the deacon, and dispatched him to the 
battle to play the part of the king. For this deacon 


was of the same stature and bearing, so that when he 
had gone armed out of the tent he was tak,en for king 
Cunincpert by all. The battle then was joined and they 
struggled with all their might. And when Alahis 
pressed the harder there where he thought the king 
was, he killed Seno the deacon, and imagined that 
Cunincpert had been slain. And when he had ordered 
his head cut off so that after it was lifted upon a pike 
they should cry out " Thanks to God," when the helmet 
was removed, he learned that he had killed a church- 
man. Then crying out in his rage he said : " Woe is 
me ! We have done nothing when we have brought the 
battle to this point that we have killed a churchman ! 
Therefore, I now make this kind of a vow that if God 
shall give me the victory I will fill a whole well with the 
members of churchmen." 


Then Cunincpert, seeing that his men had lost, 
straightway showed himself to them, and taking away 
their fear, strengthened their hearts to hope for victory. 
Again the lines of battle formed and on the one side 
Cunincpert, and on the other, Alahis made ready for 
the struggles of war. And when they were already 
near so that both lines were joining to fight, Cunincpert 
again sent a message to Alahis in these words : " See 
how many people there are on both sides ! What need 
is there that so great a multitude perish ? Let us join, 
he and I, in single combat and may that one of us to 
whom God may have willed to give the victory have and 
possess all this people safe and entire." And when his 

BOOK V. 249 

followers exhorted Alahis to do what Cunincpert en- 
jcined him he answered : " I cannot do this because 
among his spears I see the image of the holy archangel 
Michael r by whom I swore allegiance to him." Then 
one of them said : " From fear you see what is not, and 
anyhow, it is now late for you to think of these things." 
Then when the trumpets sounded, the lines of battle 
joined, and as neither side gave way, a very great slaugh- 
ter was made of the people. At length the cruel tyrant 
Alahis perished, and Cunincpert with the help of the 
Lord obtained the victory. The army of Alahis too, 
when his death was known, took the protection of flight. 
And of these whomsoever the point of the sword did not 
cut down the river Addua (Adda) destroyed. Also the 
head of Alahis was cut off and his legs were cut away 
and only his deformed and mangled corpse remained. 
The army of the people of Forum Julii was not in this 
war at all because, since it had unwillingly sworn allegi- 
ance to Alahis, for this reason it gave assistance neither 
to king Cunincpert nor to Alahis, but returned home 
when the two engaged in war. Then Alahis having 
died in this manner, king Cunincpert commanded that 
the body of Seno the deacon should be buried in great 
splendor before the gates of the church of St. John 
which the deacon had governed. The reigning sover- 
eign himself indeed returned to Ticinum with the re- 
joicing of all and in the triumph of victory. 

l The patron saint of the Langobards (Hartmann, II, 2, 25; 



While these things were occurring among the Lango- 
bards across the Po, Romuald, duke of the Beneventines 
after he had collected a great multitude of an army, 
attacked and captured Tarentum (Taranto) and in like 
manner Brundisium (Brindisi) and subjugated to his do- 
minion all that very extensive region which surrounds 
them. 1 His wife Theuderata, too, built at the same time, 
a church in honor of the blessed apostle Peter outside 
the walls of the city of Beneventum and in that place 
she established a convent of many nuns. 


Romuald, too, after he had governed the dukedom 
sixteen years was withdrawn from this life. After him 
his son Grimuald ruled the people of the Samnites* 
three years. Wigilinda, a sister of Cunincpert and daugh- 
ter of king Perctarit was united to him in marriage. 
When Grimuald also died, Gisulf his brother was made 
duke 3 and ruled over Beneventum seventeen years. 

1 This probably refers to the "heel of Italy," the land around 
Otranto, which now passed under the Langobard sway (Hodgkin, 
VI, 335)- 

1 Thus were the Beneventines called (IV, 44, 46, supra). 

* His mother Theuderata governed the dukedom during his 
minority (Waitz). 

(2 5 0) 

BOOK VI. 251 

Winiperga was married to him and bore him Romuald. 
About these times, when a great solitude existed for a 
number of years past in the stronghold of Cassinum 
(Monte Cassino) where the holy body of the most 
blessed Benedict reposes, there came Franks from the 
regions of the Celmanici (Cenomannici) 1 and of the 
Aurelianenses, 2 and while they pretended to keep a vigil 
by the venerable body they bore away the bones of the 
reverend father and also of the revered Scolastica his 
sister, and carried them to their own country where two 
monasteries were built, one in honor of each, that is, of 
the blessed Benedict and of St. Scolastica. But it is 
certain that that venerable mouth, sweeter than all nectar, 
and the eyes beholding ever heavenly things, and the 
other members too have remained to us, although de- 
cayed. 3 For only the body of our Lord alone did not 
see corruption ; but the bodies of all the saints have 
been subjected to corruption, to be restored afterwards 
to eternal glory, with the exception of those which by 
divine miracles are kept without blemish. 


But when Rodoald indeed, who as we said before, 4 
held the dukedom at Forum Julii, was absent from that 

1 Inhabitants of Le Mans. 

* Inhabitants of Orleans. 

* A long controversy between the French and Italian Benedic- 
tine monks has arisen from this passage, as to the genuineness of 
the relics of St. Benedict (Waitz). 

* V, 24 supra. 


city, Ansfrit from the fortress of Reunia (Ragogna) r 
swept through his dukedom without the, consent of the 
king. F>.odoald, when he learned this, fled into Istria 
and thence came by ship through Ravenna to Ticinum 
to king Cunincpert. Ansfrit indeed, not content to rule 
the dukedom of the Friulans, but rebelling against 
Cunincpert besides, attempted to usurp his sovereignty. 
But he was seized in Verona and brought to the king, 
his eyes were torn out and he was cast into banishment. 
After these things Ado, the brother of Rodoald, gov- 
erned the Friulan dukedom a year and seven months 
under the name of caretaker. 2 


While these things occurred in Italy, a heresy arose 
at Constantinople which asserted that there was one will 
and mode of action in our Lord Jesus Christ. Georgius 
the patriarch of Constantinople, Macharius, Pyrrus, Paul 
and Peter stirred up this heresy. Wherefore the em- 

1 About thirty miles west of Cividale (Hodgkin, VI, 328, note i). 

* Loci servator. The only instance of this title during the Lan- 
gobard period. Later it frequently occurs (Pabst, 460, note). 
There is no date for these events except that they occurred under 
Cunincpert, 688-700 (Hodgkin, VI, 328, note 3). By these occur- 
rences the dukedom of Friuli, which had been semi-independent, 
seems to have been placed directly under the power of the king 
(Hartmann, II, i, 267). 

1 This is a mistake. Georgius was used by the emperor as an 
instrument of reconciliation (Hartmann, II, I, 259). It was the 
former patriarchs, Sergius, Pyrrus, Paul and Peter, who stirred up 
the heresy, and Macharius, bishop of Antioch. supported it (p. 260). 

BOOK VI. 253 

peror Constantine ' caused to be assembled a hundred 
and fifty bishops 2 among whom were also the legates of 
the holy Roman Church sent by Pope Agatho John the 
Deacon and John the bishop of Portus (Porto) 3 and 
they all condemned this heresy.* At that hour so many 
spider webs fell in the midst of the people that they 
were all astonished, and by this it was signified that the 
uncleanesses of heretical depravity were driven away. 
And Georgius the patriarch indeed was rebuked, 5 the 

' See V, 30, supra. He was also called Pogonatus. 

8 Paul erroneously places the time of this general council (A. D. 
680) in the reign of Cunincpert, which began 688 (Jacobi, 56). 

3 At the mouth of the Tiber. 

* We have seen (V, 6, note, supra) that the so-called Monothe- 
lete heresy had succeeded the controversy regarding the Three 
Chapters. Four successive patriarchs of Constantinople had ap- 
proved the Monothelete doctrine, but the church in the west was 
united against it, and the emperor, desirous of a reconciliation, 
issued an invitation to the Pope to send deputies to a council. 
Pope Agatho accordingly dispatched three legates and three 
bishops to a conference at Constantinople, which became the Sixth 
(Ecumenical Council. It lasted from November, 680, to Septem- 
ber, 68 1. Macharius, patriarch of Antioch, undertook to prove 
that the dogma of " one theandric energy " was in harmony with 
the decisions of the Fourth and Fifth Councils, but the genuine- 
ness of some of his quotations was denied and the relevancy of 
others disputed. Gregory, patriarch of Constantinople, formally 
announced his adhesion to the cause of the Pope, who insisted 
that there were two wills in Christ. The decrees of Pope Agatho 
and the Western Synod were ratified, Macharius was deposed and 
the upholders of the Monothelete heresy were condemned, includ- 
ing Honorius, former pope of Rome (Hodgkin, VI, 345, 346), 

5 A mistake. See note above. 


others, however, who persisted in their defense were 
visited by the penalty of excommunication. At this 
time Damianus, bishop of the church of Ticinum ' com- 
posed in the name of Mansuetus archbishop of Medio- 
lanum (Milan) an epistle upon this question, quite 
useful to correct belief, which in the aforesaid synod, 
won no ordinary approbation. For the correct and 
true belief is this, that as there are in our Lord Jesus 
Christ two natures, that is of God and of man, so also 
there may be believed to be two wills or modes of action. 
Will you hear what there is of the Deity in him? He 
says, " I and my Father are one." 2 Will you hear what 
there is of humanity? "My Father is greater than I." 3 
Behold him sleeping in the ship according to his human 
nature ! Behold his divinity when the evangelist says : 
" Then he arose and rebuked the winds and the sea and 
there was a great calm !" 4 This Sixth General Synod 
was celebrated at Constantinople and recorded in the 
Greek language at the time of Pope Agatho, and the 
emperor Constantine conducted it while remaining 
within the enclosures of his palace. 


In these times during the eighth indiction (A. D. 
680) the moon suffered an eclipse ; also an eclipse of 
the sun occurred at almost the same time on the fifth 

1 At this time Damianus was only a presbyter (Waitz). 

* John x. 30. 

Johnxiv. 28. 

Matt. viii. 26. 

BOOK VI. 255 

day before the Nones of May " about the tenth hour of 
the day. And presently there followed a very severe 
pestilence for three months, that is, in July, August and 
September, and so great was the multitude of those dy- 
ing that even parents with their children and brothers 
with their sisters were placed on biers two by two and 
conducted to their tombs at the city of Rome. And in 
like manner too this pestilence also depopulated Ticinum 
so that all citizens fled to the mountain ranges and to 
other places and grass and bushes grew in the market 
place and throughout the streets of the city. And then 
it visibly appeared to many that a good and a bad angel 
proceeded by night through the city and as many times 
as, upon command of the good angel, the bad angel, 
who appeared to carry a hunting spear in his hand, 
knocked at the door of each house with the spear, so 
many men perished from that house on the following 
day. Then it was said to a certain man by revelation 
that the pestilence itself would not cease before an altar 
of St. Sebastian the martyr was placed in the church of 
the blessed Peter which is called " Ad Vincula." And 
it was done, and after the remains of St. Sebastian the 
martyr had been carried from the city of Rome, pres- 
ently the altar was set up in the aforesaid church and 
the pestilence itself ceased. 2 

1 May 2nd. Pagi says that the solar eclipse occurred in 680 
and the other in 68 1 (Giansevero). 

1 The historians of Pavia declare that the bishop St. Damianus 
begged from the Roman pontiff the remains of the holy martyr 
and placed them in the church of St. Peter ad Vincula (Waitz). 



While king Cunincpert, indeed, after these things was 
taking counsel in the city of Ticinum with his master of 
horse, which in their language is called "marpahis," 1 
in what way he might deprive Aldo and Grauso of life, 
suddenly in the window near which they were standing 
sat a fly of the largest kind which when Cunincpert 
attempted to strike with his knife to kill it, he only cut 
off its foot. While Aldo and Grauso indeed, in ignor- 
ance of the evil design, were coming to the palace, when 
they had drawn near the church of the holy martyr 
Romanus which is situated near the palace, suddenly a 
certain lame man with one foot cut off came in their 
way who said to them that Cunincpert was going to kill 
them if they should go on to him. When they heard 
this they were seized with great fear and fled behind the 
altar of that church. Presently it was announced to 
king Cunincpert that Aldo and Grauso had taken refuge 
in the church of the blessed martyr Romanus. Then 
Cunincpert began to accuse his master of horse asking 
why he had to betray his design. His master of horse 
thus answered him : " My lord king, you know that 
after we conferred about these things I did not go out 
of your presence and how could I have said this to any 
one? " Then the king sent to Aldo and Grauso, asking 
them why they had taken refuge in the holy place. 
And they answering said : " Because it was reported to 
us that our lord the king wished to kill us." Again the 
king sent to them, seeking to know who he was who had 

1 II, 9 supra. 

BOOK VI. 257 

given them the report, and he sent them word that un- 
less they would report to him who had told them, they 
could not find favor with him. Then they sent word to 
the king as it had occurred, saying that a lame man had 
met them upon the way who had one foot cut off and 
used a wooden leg up to the knee, and that this man 
had been the one who told them they would be killed. 
Then the king understood that the fly whose foot he 
had cut off had been a bad spirit and that it had betrayed 
his secret designs. And straightway he took Aldo and 
Grauso on his word of honor from that church, pardoned 
their fault and afterwards held them as faithful subjects. 


At that time Felix, the uncle of my teacher Flavian 
was renowned in the grammatical art. The king loved 
him so much that he bestowed upon him among other 
gifts of his bounty, a staff decorated with silver and gold. 


During the same time also lived John the bishop of 
the church of Bergoma (Bergamo), a man of wonderful 
sanctity. 1 Since he had offended king Cunincpert while 
they were conversing at a banquet, the king commanded 
to be prepared for him when he was returning to his 
inn a fierce and untamed horse who was accustomed to 
dash to the earth with a great snorting those who sat 
upon him. But when the bishop mounted him he was 

1 He took r art ' n t* 16 council at Rome under Pope Agatho 
against the Monotheletes (Waitz). 


so gentle that he carried him at an easy gait to his own 
house. The king, hearing this, cherished the bishop 
from that day with due honor and bestowed upon him 
in gift that very horse, which he had destined for his 
own riding. 


At this time between Christmas and Epiphany there 
appeared at night in a clear sky a star near the Pleiades 
shaded in every way as when the moon stands behind a 
cloud. Afterwards in the month of February at noon- 
day there arose a star in the west which set with a 
great flash in the direction of the east. Then in the 
month of March there was an eruption of Bebius (Ve- 
suvius) for some days and all green things growing 
round about were exterminated by its dust and ashes. 


Then the race of Saracens, unbelieving and hateful to 
God, proceeded from Egypt into Africa with a great 
multitude, took Carthage by siege and when it was 
taken, cruelly laid it waste and leveled it to the ground. 


Meanwhile the emperor Constantine died at Constan- 
tinople and his younger son Justinian 1 assumed the 
sovereignty of the Romans and held the control of it 
for ten years. He took Africa away from the Saracens 

1 Here Paul misunderstands Bede from whom he took the state- 
ment. Bede (A. M. 4649) speaks of "Justinian the younger, a 
son of Constantine." He succeeded to the throne in 685. 

BOOK VI. 259 

and made peace with them on sea and land. He sent 
Zacharias his protospatarius x and ordered that Pope 
Sergius should be brought to Constantinople because he 
was unwilling to approve and subscribe to the error of 
that synod which the emperor had held at Constanti- 
nople. 2 But the soldiery of Ravenna and of the neigh- 
boring parts, despising the impious orders of the em- 
peror, drove this same Zacharias with reproaches and 
insults from the city of Rome. 3 


Leo seizing the imperial dignity, in opposition to this 
Justinian, deprived him of his kingdom, ruled the empire 
of the Romans three years and kept Justinian an exile 
in Pontus. 4 

Tiberius in turn rebelled against this Leo and seized 

1 Captain of the imperial body guard, a high Byzantine dignity. 

* The Quinisextan (Fifth-Sixth) council summoned by Justinian 
II in 691 (Hodgkin, VI, 354-356). 

3 A. D. 691 (Giansevero). 

*The reign of Justinian II had been marked by oppressive ex- 
actions and great cruelties. After ten years' misgovernment 
Leontius (the Leo mentioned in the text) a nobleman of Isauria, 
commander of the armies of the East, who had been imprisoned 
by the tyrant and then released, was proclaimed emperor in 695. 
A mob assembled in the Hippodrome and demanded Justinian's 
death. Leontius spared his life, but mutilated him by slitting 
his nose (whence he was called Rhinotmetus) and banished him to 
Cherson on the southwest coast of the Crimea (Hodgkin, VI, 


his sovereignty and held him in prison in the same city 
all the time he reigned. 1 , 


At this time* the council held at Aquileia, on account 
of the ignorance of their faith, hesitated to accept the 
Fifth General Council until, when instructed by the salu- 
tary admonitions of the blessed pope Sergius, it also 
with the other churches of Christ consented to approve 
of this. For that synod was held at Constantinople at 
the time of pope Vigilius under the emperor Justinian 
against Theodorus and all the heretics who were assert- 
ing that the blessed Mary had given birth to a man 
only and not to a God and a man. In this synod it was 
established as a Catholic doctrine that the blessed Mary 
ever virgin should be called Mother of God since, as the 
Catholic faith has it, she gave birth not to a man only, 
but truly to a God and a man. 3 

1 A naval armament under the command of the patrician John 
had delivered Carthage from the Saracens but the latter had re- 
taken the city and the imperial troops en their return to Constanti- 
nople broke out in a mutiny against both their general and 
Lecntius, and a naval officer named Apsimarwas proclaimed em- 
peror. When the fleet reached Constantinople, Leontins was de- 
throned and under the name of Tiberius III, reigned 
seven years, frcm 698 to 705 (Hodgkin, VI, 362, 363). 

J A. D. 698 (Giansevero). 

* Paul is in error in saying that it was the Synod of Constanti- 
nople at the tin.e of pcpe Vigilius which declared the Virgin Mary 
the Mother of God. Such declaration was made at Ephesus. 
The Council of Constantinople was the one that condemned the 
Three Chapters and led to the kng schism described in the previ- 

BOOK VI. 26l 


In "these days * Cedoal king of the Anglo-Saxons who 
had waged many wars in his own country 2 was converted 
to Christ and set out for Rome, and when on the way 
he came to king Cunincpert he was magnificently re- 
ceived by him, and when he had come to Rome he was 
baptized by pope Sergius and called Peter and while 
dressed in white 3 he departed to the heavenly realms. 
His body was buried in the church of St. Peter and has 
inscribed above it this epitaph : 4 

Cedoal, mighty in arms, for the love of his God has forsaken 
Eminence, riches and kin, triumphs and powerful realms, 

Arms and nobles and cities and camps and gods of the household, 
Things that the thrift of his sires gathered, or he for himself, 

ous notes (III, 20, 26; IV, 33 supra). The return of the schis- 
matics to the church took place according to other authorities 
not at Aquileia but at Pavia (Waitz, Appendix, p. 245, 248), 
when they declared with shouts of triumph that they renounced 
the heresy of Theodore and his companions and asked to be re- 
stored to the church. Legates were sent to bear the news to Pope 
Sergius who ordered that the manuscripts of the schismatics should 
be burned (Hodgkin, V, 483, 484). Possibly one council was 
held at Aquileia and another at Pavia. Thus all the kingdom of 
the Langobards was now restored to full Catholic communion. 

1 This journey and conversion of king Cedoal (or Ceadwalla of 
Wessex) is incorrectly placed by Paul at the time of the synod at 
Aquileia, 698. It actually occurred in 689 (Hodgkin, VI, 318; V, 

* He had annexed Sussex, ravaged Kent and massacred the in- 
habitants of the Isle of Wight (Hodgkin, VI, 318). 

The garment of the neophytes, worn by those just baptized. 

4 The author of this epitaph was Archbishop Benedict of Milan, 
A. D. 681-725 (Waitz, p. 225). 


So that as king and a guest he might gaze on Peter and Peter's 

Chair, and propitiously quaff waters unstained from his spring. 
Taking in radiant draught the shining light whose refulgence, 

Giving immortal life, floweth on every side! 
Swift to perceive the rewards of a life restored by conversion, 

Joyful, he casts aside heathenish madness, and then 
Changes his name as well, and Sergius the pontiff commanded 

Peter he should be called; until the Father himself, 
Making him pure by the grace of Christ in the font of the new birth, 

Lifted him, clothed in white, up to the stronghold of heaven! 
Wonderful faith of the king, and of Christ the astonishing mercy! 

His is the perfect plan counsel that none can approach! 
Coming in safety indeed from remotest regions of Britain, 

Through many nations, along ways many, over the straits, 
Bringing his mystical gifts, he gazed upon Romulus' city 

Looked upon Peter's church, worthy of reverence due; 
Clad in white will he go, in the flocks of Christ a companion ; 

Earth his body may hold, heaven his spirit will keep. 
You may the rather believe he has changed the mere badge of the 

He whom your eyes have seen winning the kingdom of Christ. 1 


At this time in Gaul when the kings of the Franks 
were degenerating from their wonted courage and skill, 
those who were regarded as stewards of the palace 
began to administer the kingly power and to do what- 
ever is the custom for kings, since it was ordained from 
heaven that the sovereignty of the Franks should be 
transferred to the race of these men. And Arnulf was 
at that time 2 steward of the royal palace, a man, as was 

1 A version in rhyme, less literal than the foregoing, is found in 
Giles' translation of the Ecclesiastical History of Bede, Vol. I, p. 278. 

1 Paul is in error in making Arnulf, who died August 18, 641, 
contemporary with Cunincpert (Jacobi, 42). 

BOOK VI. 263 

afterwards apparent, pleasing to God and of wonderful 
holiness, who, after enjoying the glory of this world, 
devoted himself to the service of Christ and was dis- 
tinguished in the episcopate and finally, choosing the 
life of a hermit, rendered all kinds of services to 
lepers and lived in the greatest abstinence. Concern- 
ing his wonderful doings at the church of Metz where 
he carried on the bishopric, there is a book containing 
an account of his miracles and the abstinence of his life. 
But I too, in a book which I wrote concerning the 
bishops of this city, at the request of Angelramnus, 
archbishop of the aforesaid church, a very gentle man 
and distinguished by holiness, have set down concern- 
ing this most holy man Arnulf, certain of his miracles 
which I have considered it merely superfluous to repeat 


During these occurrences Cunincpert, a ruler most 
beloved by all, after he had held for twelve years alone, 
succeeding his father, the kingdom of the Langobards, 
was finally withdrawn from this life. He built in the 
field of Coronate where he had waged war against 
Alahis, a monastery in honor of the holy martyr 
George. 1 He was moreover a handsome man and con- 
spicuous in every good quality and a bold warrior. He 
was buried with many tears of the Langobards near the 

'The city of Modena, half ruined during the insurrection of 
Alahis, was also restored by him (Hodgkin, VI, 314, note 2). 
Cunincpert was the first Langobard king whose effigy is found 
upon the coins (id., p. 317). 


church of our Lord the Saviour which his grandfather 
Aripert had formerly built. 1 And he left the kingdom 
of the Langobards to his son Liutpert who was yet of 
the age of boyhood, to whom he gave as his tutor 
Ansprand, a wise and distinguished man. 


When eight months had elapsed from this time, 8 
Raginpert, duke of Turin, whom formerly king Code- 
pert had left as a little boy when he was killed by 
Grimuald, of which we have also spoken above, 3 came 
with a strong force and fought against Ansprand and 
Rotharit, duke of the Bergamascans at Novariae (No- 
vara), and defeating them in the open field took pos- 
session of the kingdom of the Langobards. But he 
died the same year. 


Then his son Aripert, again making ready for war, 
fought at Ticinum with king Liutpert and with An- 
sprand and Ato and Tatzo and also Rotharit and Farao ; 
but overcoming all these in battle he took the child 
Liutpert alive as a prisoner of war. Ansprand also fled 
and fortified himself in the island of Commacina. 4 

1 In Ticinum, where there was an epitaph upon his tomb, re- 
ferred to by Muratori in his book en the Antiquities cf Este, 
Chapters i-io, p. 73 (Waitz). 

"A. D. 701 (Giansevero). 

MV, Ch. 51. 

4 Spelled elsewhere Comacina. 

BOOK VI. 265 


But -when Rotharit indeed returned to his city of 
Bergamus (Bergamo) he seized the kingly power. 
King Aripert marched against him with a great army, 
and having first attacked and captured Lauda (Lodi) 
he beseiged Bergamus, and storming it without any 
difficulty with battering rams and other machines of 
war, presently took it and seized Rotharit the false king 
and shaving his hair and his beard, thrust him into exile 
at Turin, and there after some days he was killed. 
Liutpert indeed whom he had taken he deprived of life 
in like manner in the bath. 


He also sent an army into the island of Commacina 
against Ansprand. When this was known Ansprand fled 
to Clavenna (Chiavenna), thence he came through Curia 
(Chur) a city of the Rhaetians to Theutpert, duke of the 
Bavarians, and was with him for nine years. But the 
army of Aripert indeed took possession of the island in 
which Ansprand had been and destroyed his town. 


Then king Aripert when he was confirmed in his 
sovereignty, tore out the eyes of Sigiprand, the son of 
Ansprand, and afflicted in various ways all who had 
been connected with the latter by the tie of blood. He 
also kept Liutprand. the younger son of Ansprand, in 
custody, but because he regarded him as a person of no 
importance and as yet a mere youth, he not only in- 
flicted no punishment at all upon his body, but let him 


depart so that he could go to his father. There is no 
doubt that this was done by the command of God 
Almighty who was preparing him for the management 
of the kingdom. Then Liutprand proceeded to his 
father in Bavaria and caused him incalculable joy by 
his coming. But king Aripert caused the wife of 
Ansprand, Theodorada by name, to be seized ; and 
when she with her woman's wilfulness boasted that she 
would get to be queen, she was disfigured in the beauty 
of her face, her nose and ears being cut off. Also the 
sister of Liutprand, Aurona by name, was mutilated in 
like manner. 


At this time in Gaul, in the kingdom of the Franks, 
Anschis, 1 the son of Arnulf, who is believed to be 
named after Anchises the former Trojan, conducted the 
sovereignty under the title of steward of the palace. 


When Ado who we said was caretaker 2 had died at 
Forum Julii, Ferdulf, a man tricky and conceited, who 
came from the territories of Liguria, obtained the duke- 
dom. Because he wanted to have the glory of a victory 
over the Slavs, he brought great misfortune upon him- 
self and the people of Forum Julii. He gave sums of 
money to certain Slavs to send upon his request an 
army of Slavs into this province , and it was accord- 

1 Or Ansegis. He is to be referred however to an earlier period 

*VI, Chap. 3, supra. 

BOOK VI. 267 

ingly done. But that was the cause of great disaster in 
this province of Forum Julii. The freebooters of the 
Slavs fell upon the flocks and upon the shepherds of 
the sheep that pastured in their neighborhoods and 
drove away the booty taken from them. The ruler of 
that place, whom they called in their own language 
" sculdahis," x a man of noble birth and strong in cour- 
age and capacity, followed them, but nevertheless he 
could not overtake the freebooters. Duke Ferdulf met 
him as he was returning thence and when he asked him 
what had become of these robbers, Argait, for that was 
his name, answered that they had escaped. Then Fer- 
dulf in rage thus spoke to him : " When could you do 
anything bravely, you whose name, Argait, comes from 
the word coward," x and Argait, provoked by great anger, 
since he was a brave man, answered as follows : " May 
God so will that you and I, duke Ferdulf, may not de- 
part from this life until others know which of us is the 
greater coward." When they had spoken to each other 

'See the German, Schultheiss, local magistrate. They were 
subordinate to the judges (/. e., the dukes or the gastaldi). See 
II, 32, note 4 (pp. 86-91), supra; Pabst, 499. 

* Arga, a Langobard word, meaning cowardly, inert, worthless. 

See Rothari, Edict, Chapter 381 (M. G. LL., IV, p. 88), where 

the word is recognized as conveying a particular insult. " If one 

in rage calls another an arga, and he cannot deny it, and says he 

has called him so in rage, he shall declare upon oath that he does 

not hold him for an arga, and thereupon he shall pay twelve solidi 

', for the offensive word. But if he insists upon it and says he can 

; prove it in a duel, so let him convict him, if he can, or let him 

pay as above." 


in turn, these words, in the vulgar tongue, 1 it happened 
not many days afterwards, that the armyof the Slavs, 
for whose coming duke Ferdulf had given his sums of 
money, now arrived in great strength. And when they 
had set their camp upon the very top of a mountain 

1 " Vulgaria verba." Hartmann (II, 2, 58) regards this passage 
as presupposing that Ferdulf and Argait could speak Latin with 
one another. After the permanent settlement of the Langobards 
in Italy the current Latin language of the time (which was the only 
written language, and the only one fitted to many of the new rela- 
tions imposed by their intercourse with the Roman population) grad- 
ually superseded their own more barbarous tongue. (Hartmann, II, 
2, 22.) It is evident, however, from the German words used by 
Paul, as well as from his description of this controversy between 
duke Ferdulf and Argait, which must have occurred not far from 
A. D. 700 (Hodgkin, VI, 328, note 3), that the Langobard lan- 
guage was spoken in the eighth century, and there are traces of 
its continuance even after the Frankish invasion, A. D. 774. In 
a document in upper Italy the pronoun ih introduced by mistake 
before the Latin words "have subscribed myself" indicate the 
existence of the Langobard as a spoken language in the latter half 
of the ninth century. The Chronicle of Salerno, composed in 
978 (Ch. 38, MGH. SS., Ill, 489), refers to the German language 
as ' ' formerly ' ' spoken by the Langobards, from which it would 
appear that in that region at least it had then become extinct. 
But it is quite uncertain just when it ceased to be used. Probably 
the language continued longest where the German population was 
most dense, and the period where it died out as a living language 
must have been preceded by a considerable time, in which those 
who spoke it also understood and spcke the Latin tongue. The 
period of its decline can be traced by numerous Latin terminations 
of German words and the addition of German suffixes (fcr exam- 
ple, engo, ingo, esco-asco- atto- etio- otto) to Latin words, combina- 
tions which have been important ingredients in the formation of 
modern Italian (Bruckner, Sprache der Langobarden, pp. 11-17). 

BOOK VI. 269 

and it was hard to approach ',nem from almost any side, 
duke Ferdulf, coming upon them with his army, began 
to go around that mountain in order that he could at- 
tack them by more level places. Then Argait of whom 
we have spoken thus said to Ferdulf : " Remember, 
duke Ferdulf, that you said I was lazy and useless and 
that you called me in our common speech a coward, 
but now may the anger of God come upon him who 
shall be the last of us to attack those Slavs," and saying 
these words, he turned his horse where the ascent was 
difficult on account of the steepness of the mountain, 
and began to attack the fortified camp of the Slavs. 
Ferdulf, being ashamed not to attack the Slavs himself, 
through the same difficult places, followed him through 
those steep and hard and pathless spots, and his army 
too, considering it base not to follow their leader, began 
also to press on after him. Consequently the Slavs, 
seeing that they were coming upon them through steep 
places, prepared themselves manfully, and fighting 
against them more with stones and axes * than with arms 
they threw them nearly all from their horses and killed 
them. And thus they obtained their victory, not by 
their own strength, but by chance. There all the 
nobility of the Friulans perished. There duke Ferdulf 
fell and there too he who had provoked him was killed. 
And there so great a number of brave men were van- 
quished by the wickedness and thoughtlessness of dis- 
sension as could, with unity and wholesome counsel, 

1 Sec uribus. Hodgkin translates "tree trunks," believing that 
the axes were used in felling trees to cast down upon them (VI, 
330, and note 3). 


overthrow many thousands of their enemies. There, 
however, one of the Langobards, Munichis by name, 
who was afterwards the father of the dukes Peter of 
Forum Julii and Ursus of Ceneta (Ceneda), alone acted 
in a brave and manly manner. When he had been 
thrown from his horse and one of the Slavs suddenly 
attacking him had tied his hands with a rope, he wrested 
with his bound hands the lance from the right hand of 
that same Slav, pierced him with it, and tied as he was, 
threw himself down through the steep places and 
escaped. We put these things into this history especi- 
ally for this purpose, that nothing further of a like 
character may happen through the evil of dissension. 


And so duke Ferdulf having died in this way, Cor- 
volus was appointed in his place, but he held the duke- 
dom only a little while, and when he had offended the 
king, his eyes were torn out and he lived ignominiously. 


Afterwards indeed Pemmo acquired the dukedom. 1 
He was a man of talent and useful to his country. His 
father was Billo who had been a native of Bellunum 
(Belluno), but on account of a sedition he had caused 
at that place he afterwards came to Forum Julii, and 
lived there peacefully. This Pemmo had a wife, Rat- 
perga by name, who since she was boorish in appear- 

1 De Rubeis (319) thinks this was in 705. He held the duke- 
dom about twenty-six years (Hodgkin, VI, 332). 

BOOK VI. 2/1 

ance often asked her husband to send her away and take 
another wife whom it would befit to be the spouse of so 
great a duke. But as he was a wise man he said that 
her behavior and humility and reverent modesty pleased 
him more than beauty of body. From this wife then 
Pemmo begot three sons, Ratchis and Ratchait and 
Ahistulf, 1 energetic men, whose birth raised the humil- 
ity of their mother to high honor. This duke collected 
all the sons of all the nobles who had died in the war 
of which we have spoken, and brought them up in like 
manner with his own children as if they themselves had 
been begotten by him. 


At this time then, Gisulf the ruler of the Beneven- 
tines took Sura (Sora), a city of the Romans, and in 
like manner the towns of Hirpinum (Arpino) and Arx 
(Arce). 2 This Gisulf at the time of Pope John 3 came 
to Campania with all his forces burning and plundering, 
took many captives and set up his camp as far as in the 
place which is called Horrea, 4 and no one could resist 

1 Ratchis and Aistulf were afterwards kings of the Langobards. 

2 Three towns on or near the river Liris or Garigliano and some- 
thing over fifty miles southeast of Rome. 

John VI, A. D. 701-704. Others think, John V, A. D. 685 

* Hodgkin (VI, 336, note 2) believes that Puteoli is intended 
Duchesne, followed by Hartmann (II, 2, 116), says it was a place 
at the fifth milestone of the Via Latina. It seems uncertain 
whether one incursion or more was meant by this chapter of Paul 


him. The Pontiff sent priests to him with apostolic 
gifts and redeemed all the captives from, the hands of 
his troops, and induced the duke himself to go back 
home with his army. 


At this time ' Aripert king of the Langobards made 
restitution by gift of the patrimony of the Cottian 
Alps 'which had formerly belonged to the jurisdiction 
of the Apostolic See but had been taken away by the 
Langobards a long time before, and he dispatched this 
deed of gift written in golden letters to Rome. Also in 
these days 3 two kings of the Saxons 4 coming to E.ome 
to the footsteps of the apostles, died suddenly as they 


Then also Benedict archbishop of Mediolanum 
(Milan) came to Rome and conducted his lawsuit for 
the church of Ticinum, but he was defeated because 
from early times the bishops of Ticinum had been con- 

*A. D. 707 (Giansevero). 

11 Paul does not intend to say that this patrimony included the 
whole province of the Cottian Alps, but simply that part of the 
papal patrimony was in that province (Hodgkin, VI, 324, note 2). 

This is erroneous, the king's pilgrimage did not occur during 
the papacy of John VI (701-705), to whom Aripert made this gift, 
but in 709 under Constantine I (Jacobi, p. 50; Hodgkin, VI, 323). 

*Coinred king of the Mercians and Offa prince of the East 
Saxons (Hodgkin, VI, 323). 

BOOK VI. 2/3 

secrated by the Roman Church. 1 This venerable arch- 
bishop Benedict was a man of eminent holiness, and the 
fame of good opinion concerning him shone brightly 
throughout the whole of Italy. 


Then when Transamund, the duke of the Spoletans 
had died, 2 Faruald his son, succeeded to his father's 
place. Moreover, Wachilapus was the brother of Tran- 
samund and governed that same dukedom equally with 
his brother. 


But Justinian, who had lost his imperial power and was 

xile in Pontus, again received the sovereignty by the 

iclp of Terebellus, king of the Bulgarians, and put to 

death those patricians who had expelled him. He took 

also Leo and Tiberius 3 who had usurped his place and 

caused them to be butchered in the midst of the circus 

before all the people. 4 He tore out the eyes of Gallici- 

1 The date of this is fixed by Paul at too early a period (Jacobi, 

* He appears to have reigned forty years from 663 to 703 
(Hodgkin, VI, 337). 

3 Paul has here misunderstood the language of Bede from whom 
he took this statement and who said that Justinian executed Leo 
(Leontius) and Tiberius (Apsimar) the patricians who had ex- 
pelled him. No other patricians are referred to (Jacobi, 50). 

* Justinian II, who had been exiled to Cherson (see ch. 12, note 
supra), was rejected by the citizens of that place, whereupon he 
roamed through the southern part of Russia and took refuge with 


nus 1 the patriarch of Constantinople and sent him to 
Rome and he appointed Cyrus the abbot who had taken 
care of him when he was an exile in Pontus, as bishop 
in the place of Gallicinus. He ordered Pope Constan- 
tine to come to him, and received him and sent him 
back with honor. 2 Falling upon the earth he asked the 
Pope to intercede for his sins and he renewed all of the 
privileges of his church. 3 When he sent his army into 
Pontus to seize Filippicus, whom he had held there in 
bondage, this same venerable Pope earnestly forbade 
him from doing this but he could not, however, pre- 
vent it. 

the Cagan of the Khazars, a Hunnish tribe settled around the sea 
of Azof, and the Cagan gave him in marriage his sister Theodora. 
The reigning emperor Tiberius sent messengers to the Cagan 
offering him great gifts to kill or surrender Justinian. The Cagan 
listened to the tempting proposals, but Theodora warned her hus- 
band, who fled to the Danube, where Terbel or Terebellus joined 
him in an effort to regain the throne. With the aid of the Bul- 
garians he attacked and conquered Constantinople. His two 
rivals, who had successively reigned in his absence, were now 
both loaded with chains and brought before his throne in the 
Hippodrome where he placed his feet upon their necks before 
causing them to be beheaded at the place of public execution 
(Hodgkin, 365-368). 

1 Callinicus (not Gallicinus) had preached a sermon rejoicing at 
the overthrow of Justinian ten years before (Hodgkin, VI, 361). 

J Constantino left Rome October, 710 (Hodgkin, VI, 375) and 
returned October, 711 (id., p. 379). 

1 It is probable that the decrees of the Quinisextan Council were 
now accepted by the pope (Hodgkin, VI, 378-379). 

BOOK VI. 2/5 


The army too which had been sent against Filippicus 
joined Filippicus' side and made him emperor. He 
came to Constantinople against Justinian, fought with 
him at the twelfth milestone from the city, conquered 
and killed him, and obtained his sovereign power. 
Justinian indeed reigned six years with his son Tiberius 
in this second term. x Leo in banishing him cut off his 
nostrils and he, after he had assumed the sovereignty, 
as often as he wiped off his hand flowing with a drop of 
rheum, almost so often did he order some one of those 
who had been against him to be slain. 2 

1 In his insane fury for revenge against the people of Cherson 
who had rejected him when he was exiled, Justinian sent three 
expeditions against that city to destroy it. In the first of these its 
leading citizens were seized and sent for punishment to Constanti- 
nople, where some were roasted alive and others drowned ; but 
Justinian still accused his generals of slackness in executing his 
orders and sent others in their places, who were, however, com- 
pelled to give up the bloody work, and then for self-protection to 
join the party of revolt which gathered around one Bardanis, an 
Armenian, who was proclaimed emperor under the name of Filip- 
picus, whereupon an expedition set out for Constantinople to de- 
throne Justinian. It was entirely successful. The tyrant was 
deserted by his subjects, and with his son Tiberius was captured 
and slain (Hodgkin, 379-384). 

* A reign of terror had followed the restoration of Justinian and 
innumerable victims perished. Some were sewn up in sacks and 
thrown into the sea, others invited to a great repast and when 
they rose to leave were sentenced to execution (Hodgkin, VI, 369). 
He was specially infuriated against the city of Ravenna and sent 
a fleet thither under the patrician Theodore, seized the chief men 
of the city, brought them to Constantinople, blinded the arch- 



In these days then, when the patriarch Peter was dead, 
Serenus undertook the government of the church of 
Aquileia. 1 He was a man endowed with a simple char- 
acter and devoted to the service of Christ. 


But Filippicus indeed, who was called Bardanis, after 
he was confirmed in the imperial dignity, ordered that 
Cyrus, of whom we have spoken, should be turned out 
of his patriarchate and return to Pontus, to govern his 
monastery. This Filippicus dispatched letters of per- 
verted doctrine to pope Constantine which he, together 

bishop Felix, and put the rest to death (pp. 373-374). Justinian 
then sent as exarch to Italy John P.izokopus, who went first to 
Rome and put to death a number of papal dignitaries and then 
proceeded to Ravenna, where in a struggle with the local forces 
he was killed. The people of Ravenna refused to recognize Jus- 
tinian, and chose a leader of their own in the person of Georgius, 
who organized an autonomous government and established a mili- 
tary organization in Italy independent of Byzantium (Hartmann, 
II, 2, 78-81). 

1 It was afterwards, at the request of king Liutprand, that pope 
Gregory II sent the pallium of a metropolitan to Serenus, bishop 
of Aquileia (Dandolo, VII, 2, 13, see Muratori Rer. Ital. Script. 
XII, 131 ; Chronicle of John the Deacon, p. 96, Monticolo). Dis- 
sensions arose between the patriarchs of Aquileia and Grado, and 
Gregory wrote to Serenus warning him not to pass beyond the 
bounds of the Langobard nation and trespass upon Grado (Hodg- 
kin, 466-467). The seat of the patriarch was subsequently re- 
moved, first to Cormons, and after Serenus had died and Calixtus 
had succeeded him (see Ch. 5 1 , infra}, to Cividale. 

BOOK VT. 277 

with a council of the Apostolic See, rejected, 1 and on 
account of this affair he caused pictures to be made in 
the portico of St. Peter representing the transactions of 
the six holy general councils. For Filippicus had 
ordered that pictures of this kind which were in the im- 
perial city, should be carried away. The Roman people 
determined that they would not take the name of the 
heretical emperor upon their documents, nor his like- 
ness upon their coins. Hence his image was not 
brought into the church, nor was his name mentioned 
in the solemnities of the mass. When he had held the 
sovereignty one year and six months, Anastasius, who 
was also called Artemius, rising against him, expelled 
him from the sovereignty and deprived him of his eyes, 
but did not however kill him. 3 This Anastasius sent 
letters to Rome to pope Constantine by Scolasticus, the 
patrician and exarch of Italy, in which he declared him- 
self to be an adherent of the Catholic church and an 
acknowledger of the Sixth Holy Council. 


Then after Ansprand had been in exile in Bavaria for 
now nine full years, in the tenth year, after Teutpert 
was at last prevailed upon, (to make war) the com- 
mander of the Bavarians came with his army to Italy 

1 The authorities disagree and the passage is not clear. Per- 
haps a partial council, summoned by the Pope, is meant. Fil- 
ippicus declared in favor of the Monotheletes, who had been con- 
demned by the Sixth (Ecumenical Council at Constantinople 

A. D. 713 (Hodgkin, VI, 386). 


and fought with Aripert and there occured a great 
slaughter of the people on both sides. But although at 
last, night broke off the battle, it is certain that the 
Bavarians had turned their backs and that the army of 
Aripert had returned as a victor to its camp. But since 
Aripert was unwilling to remain in camp and preferred 
to go into the city of Ticinum, by this act he brought 
despair upon his own people and boldness upon his 
adversaries, and after he had returned to the city and 
had felt that he had offended his army by this deed, he 
presently took advice that he should flee to France 
and carried with him from the palace as much gold 
as he thought useful to him. And when weighted down 
with the gold, he attempted to swim across the river 
Ticinus, he sank there and, choked with the waters, ex- 
pired. His body was found on the following day, was 
cared for in the palace and was thence brought forth to 
the church of our Lord the Saviour which the former 
Aripert had built, and was there buried. In the days 
when he held the kingly power, Aripert, going forth at 
night, and proceeding to one place and another, inquired 
for himself what was said about him by particular cities, 
and diligently investigated what kind of justice the var- 
ious judges rendered to the people. When the ambas- 
sadors of foreign nations came to him, he wore in their 
presence mean garments and those made of skins, and 
in order that they should not form designs against Italy 
he never offered them precious wines nor delicacies of 
other kinds. He reigned moreover with his father 
Ragimpert, and alone, up to the twelfth year. He was 
also a religious man, given to charities and a lover of 

BOOK VI. 279 

justice.' In his days there was very great fertility of 
the land, but the times were barbarous. His brother 
Gumpert then fled to France and remained there to the 
day of his death. He had three sons, of whom the 
eldest one, Ragimpert by name, governed the city of 
Aureliani (Orleans) in our own days. After the death 
of this Aripert, Ansprand obtained possession of the 
kingdom of the Langobards 8 but reigned only three 
months. He was a man distinguished in all ways and 
very few were to be compared with him in wisdom. 
When the Langobards become aware of his approach- 
ing death they set his son Liutprand on the royal 
throne 3 and when Ansprand, while he was living, heard 
this he greatly rejoiced. 4 


At this time the emperor Anastasius dispatched a fleet 
to Alexandria against the Saracens. His army was 
turned to another purpose, and in the midst of its 
journey came back to the city of Constantinople, and 
hunting up the orthodox Theodosius, chose him as 
emperor and when he was put by force upon the throne 
of the empire, confirmed him. This Theodosius con- 
quered Anastasius in a severe battle at the city of Nicea, 

1 Paul's estimate of Aripert' s character is evidently too favorable. 

1 Thus a new dynasty came to the throne. The descendants of j ,/ 
Theudelinda were set aside and ended their lives in the kingdom 
of the Franks (Hartmann, II, 2, 125). 

*June 12, 712 (Pabst, 474). 

* Ansprand was buried in Pavia in the chapel of Adrian the 
martyr which he is said to have built. Waitz gives his epitaph. 


and having imposed an oath upon him, caused him to be 
ordained a churchman and a presbyter. ( When Anas- 
tasius received the sovereignty, he presently put up in 
its former place in the imperial city that revered picture 
in which the holy councils were painted and which had 
been torn down by Filippicus. In these days the river 
Tiber had such an inundation that having overflowed its 
bed it did many injuries to the city of Rome so that it 
rose in the Via Lata to one and a half times the height 
of a man, and from the gate of St. Peter to the Molvian 
bridge ' the waters all mingled together as they flowed 


In these times, by the inspiration of Divine Love, 
many of the nobles and common people, men and wo- 
men, dukes and private persons of the nation of the 
Angles were in the habit of coming from Britain to 
Rome. Pipin * at that time obtained the sovereignty in 
the kingdom of the Franks. He was a man of astonish- 
ing boldness who instantly crushed his foes in attacking 
them. For he crossed the Rhine and with only one of 
his attendants he fell upon a certain adversary of his 
and killed him with his followers in his bedchamber 
where he lived. He also courageously waged many 
wars with the Saxons and especially with Ratpot, king 
of the Frisians. He had also a number of sons but 

1 The Pons Mulvius (now the Ponte Molle) was built by the 
censor M. vEmilius Scaurus, B. C. 109. 
The father of Charles Martel (Abel). 

BOOK VI. 28l 


among these Charles, who succeeded him afterwards in 

the sovereignty, was the most distinguished. 


But when king Liutprand had been confirmed in the 
royal power, 1 Rothari, a blood relation of his, wished to 
kill him. He prepared therefore a banquet for him in 
his home at Ticinum, in which house he hid some very 
strong men fully armed who were to kill the king while 
he was banqueting. When this had been reported to 
Liutprand he ordered Rothari to be called to his palace, 
and feeling him with his hand he discovered, as had 
been told him, a cuirass put on under his clothing. 2 
When Rothari found out that he was detected, he 
straightway leaped backwards and unsheathed his sword 
to strike the king. On the other hand the king drew 
forth his own sword from his scabbard. Then one of 
the king's attendants named Subo, seizing Rothari from 
behind, was wounded by him in the forehead, but others 
leaping upon Rothari killed him there. Four of his 
sons indeed who were not present were also put to death 
in the places where they were found. King Liutprand 
was indeed a man of great boldness so that when two 
of his armor-bearers thought to kill him and this had 
been reported to him, he went alone with them into a 
very deep wood and straightway holding against them 

A. D. 712 (Hodgkin, VI, 389). By this confirmation the 
usurpation of the new dynasty of Ansprand was recognized (Hart- 
mann, II, 2, 125). 

* The story of Grimuald and Godepert seems to be here repeated 
with a slight variation. 


his drawn sword he reproached them because they had 
planned to slay him and urged them to 'do it. And 
straightway they fell at his feet and confessed all they 
had plotted. And he also did this thing in like manner 
with others, but nevertheless he presently pardoned 
those who confessed even a crime of such great wicked- 


Then when Gisulf, the duke of the Beneventines had 
died, Romuald his son undertook the government of the 
people of the Samnites. 


About these times Petronax, a citizen of the city of 
Brexia (Brescia) spurred by the love of God. came to 
Rome and then by the exhortation of Pope Gregory of 
the Apostolic See, proceeded to this fortress of Cassi- 
num ; ' and when he came to the holy remains of the 
blessed father Benedict he began to dwell there with 
certain honest men who were already living there before. 
And they appointed this same venerable man Petronax 
as their superior, and not long afterwards, with the aid 
of Divine Mercy and through favor of the merits of the 
blessed father Benedict, after the lapse of about a 
hundred and ten years from the time when that place 
had become destitute of the habitation of men, he be- 
came there the father of many monks of high and low 
degree who gathered around him, and he began to live, 
when the dwellings were repaired, under the restraint 

1 Paul wrote this at Monte Cassino. 

BOOK VI. 283 

of the Holy Rule of the Order and the institutions of 
the blessed Benedict, and he put this sacred monastery in 
the condition in which it is now seen. At a subsequent 
time Zacharias, Chief of Priests and Pontiff beloved by 
God, bestowed many useful things upon this venerable 
man Petronax, namely the books of Holy Scripture and 
all sorts of other things that relate to the service of a 
monastery and moreover he gave him with fatherly piety 
the Rule of the Order which the blessed father Benedict 
had written with his own holy hands. 1 The monastery 
indeed of the blessed martyr Vincent, which is situated 
near the source of the river Vulturnus and is now cele- 
brated for its great community of monks, was then al- 
ready founded by three noble brothers, that is, Tato, 
Taso and Paldo, as the writings of the very learned 
Autpert, abbot of this monastery show, in the volume 
which he composed on this subject. While the blessed 
Pope Gregory indeed 2 of the Roman See was still liv- 
ing, the fortress of Cumae was taken by the Langobards 
of Beneventum, but when night came on, certain of the 
Langobards were captured and others were killed by the 
duke of Naples ; also the fortress itself was re-taken by 
the Romans. For the ransom of this fortress the Pon- 
tiff gave seventy pounds of gold as he had promised in 
the first placed 

1 Afterwards burned A. D. 896 (Waitz). 

1 Gregory II. 

1 A. D. 717. The recapture of this place did not occur at once 
as Paul's account seems to indicate, but the duke of Naples was 
urged to the act by the Pope who promised and paid him the so- 
called ransom (Hodgkin, VI, 442). 



Meanwhile the emperor Theodosius, who had ruled 
the empire only one year, having died, 1 Leo was sub- 
stituted as emperor in his place. 2 


Among the people of the Franks, after Pipin had 
been released from life, his son Charles 3 of whom we 
have spoken took the sovereignty from the hand of 
Raginfrid only by means of many wars and struggles. 
For when he was held in prison he w r as set free by God's 
command and escaped and at first he began two or three 
times a struggle against Raginfrid with a few men and 
at last overcame him in a great battle at Vinciacum 
(Vincy). 4 Nevertheless he gave him one city to dwell 
in, that is, Andegavi (Angers) 5 while he himself under- 
took the government of the whole nation of the Franks. 6 

1 An error. Theodosius did not die but was deposed (Waitz). 

1 Leo the Isaurian, the great iconoclastic emperor, born about 
670, was appointed to a place in the life-guards of Justinian II, 
and was afterwards sent on a desperate mission to the Alans in 
the Caucasus where he showed great courage and ingenuity. 
Anastasius, the successor of Justinian appointed him general of the 
forces of Anatolia in Asia Minor where he kept the Saracens at 
bay. Theodosius III who succeeded Anastasius was considered 
incompetent to defend Constantinople against the Saracens and in 
716 Leo was raised to the throne (Hodgkin, VI, 425, 426). 

8 Charles Martel. 

4 Near Cambray. 

5 In this statement Paul is not supported by other authorities and 
he is not well informed in Prankish history (Jacobi, 43). 

His title was not that of king but mayor of the palace; during 

BOOK VI. 285 


At thjs time king Liutprand confirmed to the Roman ]__ 
Church the gift of the patrimony of the Cottian Alps, 
and not long afterwards the same ruler took in marriage 
Guntrut, the daughter of Teutpert, duke of the Bava- 
rians x with whom he had lived in exile, and from her 
he begot one daughter only. 


During these times Faroald, duke of the Spoletans, 
attacked Classis, a city of the Ravenna people, but by 
command of king Liutprand it was restored to these 
same Romans. Against this duke Faroald his own 
son Transamund revolted and usurped his place and 
made him a churchman. 2 In these days Teudo, duke of 

the latter part of his life however there was no king. He was the 
real founder of the Arnulfing or Carolingian dynasty, and his son 
Pipin assumed the title of king (Hodgkin, VI, 421, 422). 

1 The policy of the Bavarian dynasty, as to friendly relations 
with the Catholic church and with the neighboring Bavarians was 
continued by Liutprand. This marriage however afterwards led to 
other complications. After Teutpert' s death, his brother Grimoald 
attempted to rob his son Hucbert of the sovereignty. Charles 
Martel, who had established his dominion over the Frankish king- 
dom, now seized the opportunity to restore his own suzerainty over 
the Bavarian dukedom, while Liutprand (probably about 725) in- 
vaded the Bavarian territories and pushed forward the boundaries 
of the Langobard kingdom up to Magias or Mais, by Meran. 
Charles also married Suanahild, a Bavarian princess, and thus be- 
came the brother-in-law of Liutprand, and the friendship between 
these sovereigns was firmly established (Hartmann, II, 2, 125). 

1 A. D. 724 (Waitz; Pabst, 469, note 2). 


the nation of the Bavarians came for the purpose of 
devotion to Rome to the foot steps of the holy apostles. 1 


When then at Forum Julii (Cividale) the patriarch 
Serenus had been taken away from human affairs, Calix- 
tus, a distinguished man who was archdeacon of the 
church of Tarvisium (Treviso) received through the 
efforts of king Liutprand the government of the church 
of Aquileia. At this time as we said, Pemmo ruled the 
Langobards of Forum Julii. When he had now brought 
to the age of early manhood those sons of the nobles 
whom he had reared with his own children, suddenly a 
messenger came to him to say that an immense multi- 
tude of Slavs was approaching the place which is called 
Lauriana. 2 With those young men, he fell upon the 
Slavs for the third time, and overthrew them with a 
great slaughter, nor did any one else fall on the part of 
the Langobards than Sicuald, who was already mature 
in age. For he had lost two sons in a former battle, 
which occured under Ferdulf, and when he had avenged 
himself upon the Slavs a first and a second time accord- 
ing to his desire, the third time, although both the duke 
and the other Langobards forbade it, he could not be 
restrained but thus answered them: " I have already 
revenged sufficiently," he says, " the death of my sons 

1 A. D. 716 (Wait;'.). He had divided his dominion among his 
four sons. One of his granddaughters had married Liutprand 
and another Charles Mattel (Hodgkin, VI, 440). 

3 Supposed to be the village of Spital near Villach (Waitz) on 
the Drave in Carinthia (Waitz). This seems quite uncertain. 

BOOK VI. 287 

and now if it shall happen, I will gladly receive my own 
death." And it so happened, and in that fight he only 
was killed. Pemmo, indeed, when he had overthrown 
many of his enemies, fearing lest he should lose in battle 
any one more of his own, entered into a treaty of peace 
with those Slavs in that place. And from that time the 
Slavs began more to dread the arms of the Friulans. 


At that time the nation of the Saracens, passing over 
from Africa in the place which is called Septem (Ceuta), 
invaded all Spain. * Then after ten years they came 
with their wives and children and entered the province 
of Aquitaine in Gaul so as to inhabit it. Charles, 2 in- 
deed, had then a quarrel with Eudo, prince of Aquitaine, 
but they joined together and fought by common con- 
sent against those Saracens. The Franks attacked them 
and killed three hundred and seventy-five thousand of 
the Saracens, while on the side of the Franks only 
fifteen hundred fell there. Eudo also with his followers 
fell upon their camp and in like manner killed many and 
ravaged everything. 3 

1 The first invasion of Spain by Tank was in the year 711, 
before Ansprand returned from his exile in Bavaria. It was in 
721, nine years after the accession of Liutprand, that having con- 
quered Spain, the Saracens were defeated by Eudo of Aquitaine 
at Toulouse (Hodgkin, VI, 418, 419). 

* Charles Martel. 

* Jacobi (43) believes that Paul has here combined two battles 
in one, the victory of Eudo over the Saracens at Toulouse in 721 
and the battle of Poictiers in 732. The latter battle, however, 



Also at this time this same nation of Saracens came 
with an immense army, surrounded Constantinople and 
besieged it continually for three years but when the 
citizens with great fervor cried to God, many (of the in- 
vaders) perished by hunger and cold, by war and pesti- 
lence, and thus, exhausted by the siege, they departed. x 
When they had gone thence they attacked in war the 
nation of the Bulgarians beyond the Danube but they 
were overcome also by them and took refuge in their 
ships. When they sought the high sea a sudden tempest 
attacked them and very many also perished by drown- 
ing and their ships were dashed to pieces. Within 
Constantinople, indeed, three hundred thousand men 
perished by pestilence. 


Liutprand also, hearing that the Saracens had laid 
waste Sardinia and were even defiling those places where 
the bones of the bishop St. Augustine had been form- 
erly carried on account of the devastation of the bar- 
barians and had been honorably buried, sent and gave 
a great price and took them and carried them over to 
the city of Ticinum and there buried them with the honor 

appears to be indicated, for Eudo, after his victory at Toulouse, 
had been vanquished by the Saracens, and it would seem that the 
remnant of his troops shared with those of Charles Martel the vic- 
tory of Poictiers (Hodgkin, VI, 419, 420). 

1 Hartmann says (II, 2, 85) the siege lasted one year, A. D. 

BOOK VI. 289 

due to so great a father. In these days the city of 
Narnia (Narni) was conquered by the Langobards. " 


At this time king Liutprand besieged Ravenna and 
took Classis and destroyed it. 2 Then Paul the patri- 
cian sent his men out of Ravenna to kill the Pope, but 
as the Langobards fought against them in defense of 
the Pope and as the Spoletans resisted them on the 
Salarian bridge 3 as well as the Tuscan Langobards from 
other places, the design of the Ravenna people came to 
nought. At this time the emperor Leo burned the 
images of the saints placed in Constantinople and ordered 
the Roman pontiff to do the like if he wished to have 
the emperor's favor, but the pontiff disdained to do this 
thing. Also the whole of Ravenna and of Venetia 4 re- 
sisted such commands with one mind,_and if the pontiff 
had not prohibited themjhey would have attempted to 
an emperor over themselves. 5 

1 Probably by the duke of Spoleto (Hodgkin, VI, 444). 

3 Probably not later than A. D. 725 (Hodgkin, VI, 444, note 3). 
8 A bridge on the Salarian way, over the Anio (Hodgkin, VI, 


4 This word is the plural, ' ' the Venices, ' ' for there were then 
two, land Venice, mostly under the Langobards, and sea Venice, 
under Ravenna. (See opening words of the Chronicon Venetum 
by John the Deacon, Monticolo's ed., p. 59,.) 

6 To understand this controversy we must return to the time of 
Gregory I. The weakness of the Byzantine empire and its in- 
ability to protect its Italian subjects from the Langobards, com- 
bined with the growth of the administrative powers of the Pope 
throughout the extensive domains of the church, gave the papacy 


Also king Liutprand attacked Feronianum (Fregnano) 

more and more a political character. Gregory extended this in- 
fluence ; he even attempted to make a separate peace with the 
Langobards, an act which was resented by the emperor Maurice. 
The people of Italy began to look to the Pope for protection, and 
there were aspirations for independence from the Eastern Empire 
and for a re-establishment of the Empire of the West. The usur- 
pation of the exarch Eleutherius and the subsequent rebellion of 
Olympius which was supported by Pope Martin I, as well as the 
revolt of Ravenna under Georgius, all show this separatist ten- 
dency. Ecclesiastical differences such as the assumption of the 
title of Universal Bishop by the patriarch of Constantinople, the 
Monothelete controversy, the Type, the imprisonment of Pope 
Martin, etc., accentuated the irritation of the West. Constantine 
Pogonatus, indeed, like some of his predecessors, had adopted a 
policy of friendship with the papacy, and also concluded a defin- 
itive treaty with the Langobards, fixing the boundaries of the 
Langobard and Roman dominions. But after this peace was 
made, the Langobards became subject to the ecclesiastical juris- 
diction of the Pope and it became the interest of the Roman See 
to play the emperor and the Langobard king against each other 
in favor of its own greater power and independence. (Hartmann, 
Atti del Congresso in Cividale, 1899, pp. 153 to 162). When Leo 
the Isaurian mounted the throne, he was recognized at Ravenna, 
but an insurrection broke out against him in Sicily, which, how- 
ever, was soon suppressed. But his heavy hand was felt in Rome 
in his efforts to collect from church property the means for carry- 
ing on his contests against the Saracens. Gregory II, a man of 
great ability, then occupied the papal chair and resisted his exac- 
tions, whereupon plots were laid by imperial officers to depose and 
perhaps to assassinate the Pope. Then came the conflict in regard 
to the worship of images, a practice which had gradually grown 
in the church and which Leo determined to eradicate. In 725 he 
issued a decree for their destruction. The work was begun with 
energy at Constantinople, all opposition was stamped out with 
great severity and a popular insurrection, as well as an attack 

BOOK VI. 291 

Mons Bellius, (Monteveglio) Buxeta (Busseto) and 

upon the city by a rebellious fleet was suppressed with a strong 
hand. In Rome, however, his efforts were not successful, and 
when in 727 the order for the destruction of the images was re- 
newed, Gregory armed himself against the emperor. The people 
now elected dukes for themselves in different parts of Italy and 
proposed to elect a new emperor, but the Pope restrained them, 
not wishing perhaps to have an emperor close at his side or pos- 
sibly fearing a greater danger from the Langobards. Italy was 
distracted by internal struggles, the Pope, aided by the Spoletans 
and Beneventans, prevailed, and the exarch Paul was killed. 
Upon his death the eunuch Eutychius was appointed to succeed 
him. He landed at Naples and sent a private messenger to Rome 
instructing his partisans to murder the Pope and the chief nobles, 
but the people assembled, anathematized Eutychius and bound 
themselves to live or die with the Pope. Then Eutychius turned 
for aid to the Langobards, and Liutprand, who had at first favored 
the Pope and the Italian revolutionary movement and had im- 
proved the occasion to seize a number of the possessions of the 
empire, now changed his policy and formed a league with the ex- 
arch to subject Spoleto and Benevento to his own dominion and 
enable the exarch to control the city of Rome. The king first 
marched to Spoleto where he took hostages and oaths of fidelity, 
then he moved to Rome and encamped on the plain of Nero close 
to the city. The Pope came forth to meet him, attended by his 
ecclesiastics and Liutprand fell before him and took off his mantle, 
his doublet, his sword and spear, crown and cross, and laid them 
in the crypt before the altar of St. Peter. In spite of these mani- 
festations of reverence, however, Liutprand insisted upon a recon- 
ciliation between the Pope and the exarch which put a limit to the 
Italian movement toward independence and to the political aspir- 
ations of the papacy, and in great measure restored the power of 
the exarch although in the controversy regarding the destruction 
of images, in which the people took a passionate interest, the em- 
peror Leo was never able to impose his will upon his subjects in 
Italy. In other matters too, local self-government had made 


Persiceta (San Giovanni in Persiceto) Bononia (Bo- 
great progress during the various revolutionary movements and 
nowhere more than in the islands of the Venetian lagoons, where 
the new settlements made by the fugitives from the mainland, had 
now assumed a senii-independent character under the doges or 
dukes of Venice, who in Liutprand's time made treaties with the 
Langobard king (defining the boundaries of each) and (regulating 
the intercourse between the two communities.) Liutprand also 
made a treaty with Comacchio, the rival of Venice in the com- 
merce on the Po. It is surprising that these events should have 
been omitted by Paul, especially as they are referred to in the 
Liber Pontificalis, one of his sources. It shows the incomplete 
character of this last book of Paul's unfinished history. 

Gregory II died in 731, but his successor Gregory III pursued 
the same policy in respect to the emperor's edict for the destruc- 
tion of the images. He convened a council attended by the 
archbishops of Grado and Ravenna and ninety-three Italian 
bishops, with other clergy and laity, which anathematized all who 
took part in the work of destruction. The emperor now withdrew 
from the jurisdiction of the Roman See all the dioceses east of the 
Adriatic, as well as those in Sicily, Bruttium and Calabria, and 
made them subject to Constantinople, and the rich and important 
papal possessions in the three last-named provinces were confis- 
cated. The portions of Italy still subject to the empire became 
now divided into three parts 1st, southern Italy and Sicily, more 
directly subject to the central authority of Constantinople ; 2nd, 
the duchy of Rome, which, subject to papal influence, gradually 
became more and more independent ; and 3d, the immediate 
exarchate of Ravenna, which conducted for a short time a des- 
perate struggle for existence (Hartmann, II, 2, 85-114 ; Hodgkin, 
VI, 432-436). 

After king Liutprand had attained his purpose in regard to the 
dukedoms of Spoleto and Benevento, his unnatural alliance with 
the exarch came to an end. A Roman army under Agatho, duke 
of Perugia, attacked Bologna, which was in possession of the 
Langobards, and was defeated (Ch. 54, infra), and Liutprand 

BOOK VI. 293 

logna) J and the Pentapolis 2 and Auximun (Osimo) 3 
fortresses of Emilia. And in like manner he then took 
possession of Sutrium (Sutri) 4 but after some days it 
was again restored to the Romans. 5 During the same 
time the emperor Leo went on to worse things so that 
he compelled all the inhabitants of Constantinople either 
by force or by blandishments, to give up the images of 
the Saviour and of his Holy Mother and of all the saints 
wherever they were, and he caused them to be burned 
by fire in the midst of the city. And because many of 
the people hindered such a wickedness from being done, 
some of them were beheaded and others suffered muti- 
lation in body. As the patriarch Germanus did not 
consent to this error he was driven from his see and the 
presbyter Anastasius was ordained in his place. 


Romoald then, duke of Beneventum, chose a wife 
Gumperga, by name, who was the daughter of Aurona, 
king Liutprand's sister. From her he begot a son whom 

captured Ravenna itself (A. D. 732-3), though the city was after- 
wards re-taken by the" Venetians (see Hartmann, II, 2, 132-133). 

x Tregnano is west of the Panaro (Hodgkin VI, 454, note i) ; 
Monteveglio is west, and San Giovanni in Persiceto is a little 
northwest of Bologna (id.). 

1 Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, Sinigaglia and Ancona. 

5 Near Ancona. 

*A. D. 728-729 (Jacobi, 58). It is a place about 25 miles 
northwest of Rome. 

5 Liutprand took it from the empire, but in restoring it put it 
into the possession of the pope, who was then at the head of the 
independent movement in Italy (Hartmann, II, 2, 96-97). 


he called by the name of his father, Gisulf. He had 
again after her another wife, Ranigunda tyy name, the 
daughter of Gaiduald, duke of Brexia (Brescia). 


At the same time a grievous strife arose between 
duke Pemmo and the patriarch Calixtus and the cause 
of this discord was the following : Fidentius, bishop of 
the Julian fortress (Julium Carnicum) J came on a 
former occasion and dwelt within the walls of the fort- 
ress of Forum Julii (Cividale) and established there the 
see of his bishopric with the approval of the former 
dukes. When he departed from life, Amator was or- 
dained bishop in his place. Up to that day indeed, the 
former patriarchs had their see, not in Forum Julii, but 
in Cormones (Cormons) because they had not at all 
been able to dwell in Aquileia on account of the incur- 
sions of the Romans. It greatly displeased Calixtus 
who was eminent for his high rank that a bishop dwelt 
in his diocese with the duke and the Langobards and 
that he himself lived only in the society of the common 
people. Why say more? He worked against this same 
bishop Amator and expelled him from Forum Julii and 
established his own dwelling in his house. For this 
cause duke Pemmo took counsel with many Langobard 
nobles against this same patriarch, seized him and 
brought him to the castle of Potium, 2 which is situated 

1 Now Zuglio, a town north of Tolmezzo (Hodgkin, VI, 41, 
note 2). 

1 Not identified. Giansevero believes it was the castle of Duino. 

BOOK VI. 295 

above the sea, and wanted to hurl him thence into the 
sea but he did not at all do this since God prohibited. 
He kept him, however, in prison and nourished him with 
the bread of tribulation. King Liutprand hearing this 
was inflamed with great rage, and taking away the duke- 
dom from Pemmo, appointed his son Ratchis in his 
place. Then Pemmo arranged to flee with his followers 
into the country of the Slavs, but Ratchis his son be- 
sought the king and reinstated his father in the mon- 
arch's favor. Pemmo then, having taken an assurance 
that he would suffer no harm, proceeded to the king 
with all the Langobards with whom he had taken counsel. 
Then the king, sitting in judgement, pardoned for 
Ratchis' sake Pemmo and his two sons, Ratchait and 
Aistulf, and ordered them to stand behind his chair. 
The king, however, in a loud voice ordered that all 
those who had adhered to Pemmo, naming them, should 
be seized. Then Aistulf could not restrain his rage and 
attempted to draw his sword and strike the king but 
Ratchis his brother prevented him. And when these 
Langobards were seized in this manner, Herfemar, who 
had been one of them, drew his sword, and followed 
by many, defended himself manfully and fled to the 
church of the blessed Michael and then by the favor of 
the king he alone secured impunity while the others 
were for a long time tormented in bonds. 


Then Ratchis having become duke of Forum Julii as 
we have said, invaded Carniola (Krain), the country of 
the Slavs, with his followers, killed a great multitude of 


Slavs and laid waste everything belonging to them. 
Here when the Slavs had suddenly fallen upon him 1 and 
he had not yet taken his lance from his armor-bearer, 
he struck with a club that he carried in his hand the 
first who ran up to him and put an end to his life. 


About these times Charles the ruler of the Franks 
dispatched his son Pipin to Liutprand that the latter 
should take his hair according to custom. And the 
king, cutting his hair, became a father to him and sent 
him back to his father enriched with many royal gifts. 1 


During the same time the army of the Saracens again 
entering into Gaul made much devastation. Charles 
giving battle against them not far from Narbo (Nar- 
bonne) overthrew them in the same manner as before 
with the greatest slaughter. 2 Again the Saracens in- 
vaded the boundaries of the Gauls, came as far as Pro- 
vincia (Provence), took Arelate (Aries) and destroyed 
everything around it. 3 Then Charles sent messengers 

1 This friendship between the royal houses of the Franks and 
the Langobards had been the traditional policy since Agilulf s 
time and had been of great advantage to both kingdoms (Hart- 
mann, II, 2, 137). 

2 A. D. 737 (Waitz). 

8 The Frankish writers have related nothing of this. It seems 
doubtful whether a new incursion of the Saracens was meant in- 
asmuch as they occupied Aries in A. D. 737 (Waitz). 

BOOK VI. 297 

with gifts to king Liutprand and asked assistance from 
him against the Saracens and he without delay hastened 
with the whole army of the Langobards to his assist- 
ance. 1 The nation of the Saracens when they learned 
this, presently fled away from those regions and Liut- 
prand with his whole army returned to Italy. 2 The 
same ruler waged many wars against the Romans in 
which he was always the victor except that once in his 
absence his army was defeated in Ariminum (Rimini), 
and at another time, when at the village of Pilleum, a 
great multitude of those who were bringing small pres- 
ents and gifts to the king and the blessings of particular 
churches were attacked and killed or captured by the 
Romans while the king was stopping in the Pentapolis. 
Again when Hildeprand the nephew of the king and 
Peredeo the duke of Vincentia ( Vicenza) got possession 
of Ravenna, the Venetians suddenly attacked them. 
Hildeprand was taken by them and Peredeo fell righting 

1 Jacobi says (p. 44) that Paul has arbitrarily changed the history 
of this campaign. The Chron. Moiss. (MG. SS. i 292) states that 
Charles Martel on the news of the invasion of the Saracens into 
Provence, by which Aries, Avignon, and other places fell into 
their hands, marched against them, drove them back over the 
Rhone, besieged Narbonne, and without raising the siege, de- 
feated a second army of the Arabs approaching for the relief 
of the city. Paul out of this makes two campaigns. In the 
first, the Saracens invaded Gaul and were defeated by Charles 
not far from Narbonne; in the second, they devastated Provence 
and took Aries, whereupon Charles called upon Liutprand for 
help and the fame of his name frightened the enemy. 

A. D. 737 (Hodgkin, VI, 475). 


manfully. 1 At a subsequent period 2 also, the Romans, 
swollen with their accustomed pride, assembled on every 
side under the leadership of Agatho, duke of the Peru- 
gians, and came to seize Bononia (Bologna), where 
Walcari, Peredeo and Rotcari were then staying in 
camp, but the latter rushed upon the Romans, made a 
great slaughter of them and compelled those who were 
left to seek flight. 

1 This confused chapter in which Peredeo (unless it be some 
other of the same name) afterwards comes to life again, has been 
considered to indicate that Ravenna had been taken by the Lango- 
bards and was recovered by the Venetians. These Venetians 
were still a feeble community. Their chief towns were not on the 
site that Venice now occupies, but in other parts of the lagoons, 
at Heraclea, Equilium, and Metamaucus. The present city on the 
Rialto was not founded until nearly seventy years after the death of 
Liutprand (Hodgkin, VI, 484, 485). notwithstanding Venetian 
traditions to the contrary. 

The tribunes who had originally ruled the different islands had 
been superseded by a single doge or duke who may have been 
originally an official selected by the emperor or the exarch. After 
the reigns of three doges the infant community remained for five 
years subject to " Masters of Soldiery " who were elected annually; 
then the dogeship was restored. John the Deacon who wrote near 
the end of the tenth century says (Monticolo's edition, Chronache 
Veneziane Antichissime, p. 95), that during the administration of 
Jubianus one of these Masters of Soldiery (A. D. 731-735), the 
exarch (probably Eutychius), came to Venetia and entreated the 
Venetians to help him guard and defend his own city, which Hil- 
deprand, nephew of Liutprand, and Peredeo, duke of Vicenza 
had captured; that the Venetians hastened to Ravenna; that Hil- 
deprand was captured, Peredeo fell and the city was handed over 
to the exarch (Hodgkin, VI, 487, 488). 

1 Probably in a preceding period since Peredeo is mentioned 

BOOK VI. 299 


In these days Transamund rebelled against the king, 
and when the king came upon him with his army, Transa- 
mund himself repaired to Rome in flight. Hilderic was 
appointed in his place. ' When indeed Romuald the 
younger, duke of the Beneventines, died, 2 after he had 

1 It would seem that duke Transamund of Spoleto about the year 
737 or 738 had taken the castle of Gallese from the Romans and 
had thereby interrupted the communication between Ravenna and 
Rome. Gregory III, realizing how valuable would be an alliance 
with the duke and how dangerous he was as an enemy, offered a 
a large sum of money for the restitution of Gallese and for a treaty 
binding him to make no war upon the Pope. Transamund made 
the treaty and restored the place, whereupon the duchy of Bene- 
vento also joined the alliance. This was contrary to Liutprand's 
policy of conquest and expansion, and the king, for this and per- 
haps other causes, treated Transamund as a rebel and traitor, and 
on June 16, 739 we find Liutprand in possession of Spoleto 
(Hartmann, II, 2, 137-138). After he had appointed Hilderic 
he marched on Rome where Transamund had taken refuge, and 
as Gregory refused to give up the fugitive, the king took four 
frontier towns, Ameria (Amelia), Horta (Orte), Polimartium 
(Bomarzo) and Blera (Bieda). Gregory now wrote to Charles 
Martel, king of the Franks, telling him of the sufferings of the 
church and exhorting him to come to its aid. But Charles was 
the friend of Liutprand and refused (Hodgkin, 475-478). Transa- 
mund recovered Spoleto in 740 but he now refused to restore the 
four cities taken by Liutprand and the Pope withdrew his aid (id., 
479480). Before Liutprand set forth to recover Spoleto again 
Gregory III died and was succeeded in the papal chair by Zacha- 
rias, who had an interview with the king, who promised to sur- 
render the four towns, whereupon the Roman army joined him 
and Transamund was forced to give up Spoleto (see Ch. 57, infra), 

2 A. D. 731 or 732 (Hartmann, II, 132). 


held the dukedom six and twenty years, there remained 
Gisulf his son, who was still a little boy. , Some con- 
spirators rose against him and sought to destroy him, 
but the people of the Beneventans who were always 
faithful to their leaders, slew them and preserved the life 
of their duke. x Since this Gisulf was not yet fit to 
govern so great a people on account of his boyish age, 
king Liutprand, then coming to Beneventum, took him 
away from thence and appointed his own nephew 
Gregory as duke at Beneventum, with whom a wife, 
Giselperga by name, was united in marriage. 2 Matters 
being thus arranged, king Liutprand returned to his own 
seat of government and bringing up his nephew Gisulf 
with fatherly care, he united to him in marriage Scauni- 
perga, born from a noble stock. At this time the king 
himself fell into a great weakness and came near to 
death. When the Langobards thought that he was de- 
parting from life they raised as their king his nephew 
Hildeprand,3 at the church of the Holy Mother of God, 
which is called " At the Poles " outside the walls of the 
city. When they handed to him the staff as is the 
custom, a cuckoo bird came flying and sat down on the 

1 A catalogue of Beneventan dukes preserved at Monte Cassino 
shows that one Audelais, probably a usurper, reigned for two 
years after Romuald II (Hodgkin, VI, 471). 

"Gregory ruled Benevento 732 to 739 (id.). Hilderic's appoint- 
ment in Spoleto occurred about the time of Gregory's death or 
afterwards (Hodgkin, VI, 475). 

8 A. D. 735 (Hodgkin, VI, 473). The election of Hildeprand 
actually preceded the rebellion of Transamund, and Paul has in- 
verted these events (Waitz ; Pabst, 478, note 5). 

BOOK. VI. 301 

top of the staff. Then to certain wise persons it ap- A^J 
peared to be signified by this portent that his govern- 
ment would be useless. King Liutprand indeed when **:* 
he had learned this thing did not receive it with equa- 
nimity, yet when he became well of his illness he kept 
him as his colleague in the government. When some 
years had elapsed from this time, Transamund, who had 
fled to Rome, returned to Spoletum, T killed Hilderic 
and -again undertook the daring project of rebellion 
against the king. 


But Gregory when he had managed the dukedom at 
Beneventum seven years was released from life. After 
his death Godescalc was made duke 2 and governed the 
Beneventines for three years, and to him a wife, Anna 
by name, was united in marriage. Then king Liutprand 
hearing these things concerning Spoletum and Bene- 
ventum, again advanced with his army to Spoletum. 
When he came to the Pentapolis, while he was proceed- 
ing from Fanum (Fano) 3 to the City of Forum Simph- 
ronii (Fossombrone), 4 in the wood which is between 
these places, the Spoletans uniting with the Romans 
brought great disasters on the king's army. The king 
placed duke Ratchis and his brother Aistulf with the + A 

1 December, 740. Supported by the army of the dukedom of 
Rome and by the Beneventines (Hartmann, II, 2, 139). 

1 A. D. 740. Without the nomination or approval of the king 
(Hartmann, II, 2, 138). 

8 On the Adriatic coast northwest of Ancona. 

* In the March of Ancona. 


Friirlans in the rear; the Spoletans and Romans fell 
upon them and wounded some of them, but Ratchis with 
his brother and some other very brave men, sustaining 
all that weight of the battle and fighting manfully, killec 
many and brought themselves and their followers fror 
thence except as I said the few who were wounded. 
There a certain very brave man of the Spoletans namec 
Berto cried out to Ratchis by name, and came upon hii 
clothed in full armor. Ratchis suddenly struck him, 
and threw him from his horse. And when his com- 
panions attempted to kill the man, Ratchis with his ac- 
customed magnanimity allowed him to get away, and the 
man crawling upon his hands and feet entered the forest 
and escaped. Two other very strong men of Spoleto 
indeed came up behind Aistulf on a certain bridge, 
whereupon he struck one of them with the blunt end of 
his spear and hurled him down from the bridge and 
suddenly turning upon the other, killed him and plunged 
him into the water after his companion. 


But Liutprand indeed when he reached Spoletum 
drove Transamund from the ducal power and made him 
a churchman, 1 and in his place he appointed Agiprand 

1 After Transamund had been reinstated in the duchy of Spoleto 
the Pope called upon him to perform his part of the engagement 
upon which Gregory had supported him, namely, to restore to 
Roman dominion the four fortified places which had been taken 
by the Langobards, but Transamund refused. About this time 
(at the end of the year 741) Gregory III died, and was succeeded 
in the papal chair by Zacharias. The new pope now asked the 

BOOK VI. 303 

his own nephew. When he hastened to Beneventum, 
Godescalc having heard of his approach, endeavored to 
embark in a ship and flee to Greece. After he had put 
his wife and all his goods in the ship and attempted 
himself, last of all, to embark, the people of Beneven- 
tum who were faithful to Gisulf, fell upon him and he 
was killed. His wife indeed was carried to Constanti- 
nople with everything she possessed. 


Then king Liutprand, arriving at Beneventum, 1 ap- 
pointed his nephew Gisulf duke again in the place which 
had belonged to him. 2 And when matters were thus 
arranged he returned to his palace. 3 This most glorious 

king to restore the four places, and offered to support him with a 
Roman army in recovering Spoleto. The king agreed, and in the 
spring of 742 advanced with his army, as related in the text, de- 
posed Transamund with the aid of the Romans, and then pro- 
ceeded to Benevento (Hartmann, II, 2, pp. 139, 140). 

1 About 742 (Waitz). 

1 Gisulf II reigned for ten years, outliving Liutprand (Hodgkin, 
VI, 472). He conformed to the policy of Liutprand, who had 
restored him to his dukedom (Hartmann, II, 2, 141). 

8 After Liutprand had recovered control of Spoleto and Bene- 
vento he delayed restoring the frontier cities to the duchy of Rome 
(VI, 55, note supra), and Pope Zacharias set forth with a train of 
ecclesiastics to Terni, where the king resided, for a personal inter- 
view, as a result of which the four cities were restored, with other 
territory, and a peace was concluded for twenty years. But in 
the following year Liutprand resumed his preparations for the con- 
quest of Ravenna, and Zacharias, at the request of the exarch, 
journeyed to Pavia to the king, and in a second interview en- 


king built many churches in honor of Christ in the var- 
ious places where he was accustomed ( to stay. He 
established the monastery of St. Peter which was situ- 
ated outside the walls of the city of Ticinum and was 
called the " Golden Heaven." 

He built also on the top of Bardo's Alp a monastery 
which is called " Bercetum." T He also established in 
Olonna, his suburban manor, a dwelling to Christ of 
wonderful workmanship in honor of the holy martyr 
Anastasius, and in it also he made a monastery. In 
like manner too he established many churches to God 
in different places. Within his palace also he built a 
chapel of our Lord the Saviour and he appointed 
priests and churchmen to perform for him daily divine 
services, which no other kings had had. In the time of 
this king there was in the place whose name is Forum a 
(Foro di Fulvio), near the river Tanarus, (Tanaro) a 
man of wonderful holiness Baodolinus by name, who, 

treated him to desist. Liutprand reluctantly consented to restore 
the country districts around Ravenna and two-thirds of the terri- 
tory of Cesena, and to grant a truce until the king's emissaries 
should return from Constantinople, whither they had gone for the 
purpose of concluding a final treaty. This interview was one of 
the last public acts of Liutprand, whose ambition for the unifica- 
tion of Italy was thus at the last moment apparently renounced. 
Possibly the near approach of death and his consciousness of the 
impossibility of his schemes of conquest being realized by his suc- 
cessor may have led to their abandonment (Hartmann, II, 2, 144, 
145 ; Hodgkin, 491-498). 

1 Or, more correctly, Liutprand endowed this monastery, which 
had been built before (Waitz). 

1 To-day Valenza, near Alessandria (Giansevero). 

BOOK VI. 305 

aided by the grace of Christ, was distinguished for many 
miracles. He often predicted future events and told of 
absent things as if they were present. Finally when 
king Liutprand had gone to hunt in the City Forest, 
one of his companions attempted to hit a stag with an 
arrow and unintentionally wounded the king's nephew, 
that is, his sister's son, Aufusus by name. When the 
king saw this he began with tears to lament his mis- 
fortune, for he loved that boy greatly, and straightway 
he sent a horseman of his followers to run to Baodo- 
linus the man of God, and ask him to pray to Christ for 
the life of that boy. And while he was going to the 
servant of God, the boy died. And when he came to 
him the follower of Christ spoke to him as follows : " I 
know for what cause you are coming, but that which 
you have been sent to ask cannot be done since the boy 
is dead." When he who had been sent had reported to 
the king what he had heard from the servant of God, 
the king, although he grieved, because he could not 
have the accomplishment of his prayer, nevertheless 
clearly perceived that Baodolinus the man of God had 
the spirit of prophecy. A man not unlike him, Teude- 
lapius by name, also lived at the city of Verona, who 
among other wonderful things which he performed, 
predicted also in a prophetic spirit many things which 
were to happen. In that time also their flourished in 
holy life and in good works, Peter, bishop of the church 
of Ticinum, who, because he was a blood relative of the 
king had been driven into exile at Spoletum by Aripert 
who was formerly king. To this man, when he attended 
the church of the blessed martyr Savinus, that same 


venerable martyr foretold that he would be bishop at 
Ticinum, and afterwards when this occurred, he built a 
church to that same blessed martyr Savinus upon his 
own ground in that city. This man, among the other 
virtues of an excellent life which he possessed, was also 
distinguished as adorned with the flower of virgin chas- 
tity. A certain miracle of his which was performed at 
a later time we will put in its proper place. 1 But Liut- 
prand indeed after he had held the sovereignty thirty 
cne years and seven months, already mature in age, 
completed the course of this life, 2 and his body was 
buried in the church of the blessed martyr Adrians 
where his father also reposes. He was indeed a man of 
much wisdom, very religious and a lover of peace, 
shrewd in counsel, powerful in war, merciful to offenders, 
chaste, modest, prayerful in the night-watches, generous 
in charities, ignorant of letters indeed, yet worthy to be 
likened to philosophers, a supporter of his people, an 
increaser of the law. 4 At the beginning of his reign he 

1 Paul died before this history was completed, and no account 
of this miracle appears. 

1 A. D. 744 (Hartmann, II, 2, 146). 

He was afterwards buried in another church (San Retro in 
Cielo d'Oro). See epitaph in Waitz. 

* On the first of March of each year during fifteen out of the 
thirty-one years of his reign, Liutprand, by the advice of his 
judges (and no longer under the sanction of a popular assembly), 
issued certain laws to settle matters not provided for by his prede- 
cessors. He claims that these laws were framed by divine inspi- 
ration, "because the king's heart is in the hand of God." The 
laws of Liutprand were written in Latin so barbarous as to be 
almost incomprehensible. They show a great change in the 

BOOK VI. 307 

took very many fortresses of the Bavarians. He relied 

social life of the Langobards. We no longer find provisions in 
regard to hunting and falconry, but instead, there are enactments 
providing for the enforcement of contracts and the foreclosure of 
mortgages. The fine paid for murder is superseded by absolute 
confiscation of the offender's property, and if that property is in- 
sufficient, the murderer is handed over to the heirs of the murdered 
man as a slave. Some of these laws mention the fact that they 
refer to Langobards only, and one law concerning scribes ordains 
that those who write deeds, whether according to the laws of the 
Langobards or those of the Romans, must not write them contrary 
to these laws, thus indicating that at least a part of the population 
was governed to seme extent by Roman law. (Hodgkin, VI, 
392-399). It would be a necessary result of the peace made at 
different times between Langobards and Romans that the civil 
rights of Romans who lived in the Langobard territory should be 
recognized, which was not the case in the earlier days of Lango- 
bard domination (Hartmann, II, 2, 2-4). Under Liutprand's 
laws if a Roman married a Langobard woman she lost her status, 
and the sons born in such a union were Romans like their father 
and had to live by his laws. There were many laws against 
oppressions by the king's agents, and heavy penalties were im- 
posed upon judges who delayed judgment. The barbarous wager 
of battle was continued, but somewhat restricted, for it was said, 
"We are uncertain about the judgment of God, and we have 
heard of many persons unjustly losing their cause by wager of 
battle, but on account of the custom of our nation of the Lango- 
bards we cannot change the law itself. ' ' There were severe laws 
against soothsayers and against certain forms of idolatry. (Hodg- 
kin, VI, 400407). A number of the later provisions of Lango- 
bard laws must be traced to Roman influence (Hartmann, II, 2-29). 
There is a question how far the Langobards supplanted the 
Romans and how far their institutions superseded those of the 
Romans. The great preponderance of the Latin over the Ger- 
manic ingredients in the Italian tongue to-day and the survival of 


always more upon prayers than upon arms, and always 
with the greatest care kept peace with the Franks and 
the Avars. 1 

Roman laws and institutions down to the present time seems to 
indicate that the Roman population and civilization greatly out- 
weighed that of the Langobards. (See Savigny, Geschichte des 
Rb'mischen Rechts im Mittelalter, I, p. 398.) 

'The constant object of Liutprand's policy, at least until his 
final interview with pope Zacharias, was the unification of Italy 
under his own scepter, though the means he took for the accom- 
plishment of this object varied with the occasion. For this pur- 
pose the friendship of the Frankish king was necessary and this 
he constantly maintained, aiding Charles Martel against the Sara- 
cens without claiming any territorial concessions at his hands. 
The principal objects of Liutprand's aggressions during the greater 
part of his career were the duchies of Spoleto and Benevento so 
far as these aspired to independent sovereignty ; also the Eastern 
Empire, though he allied himself with the exarch when he found 
it necessary for the purpose of reducing the duchies to submission. 
The Catholic church and the papacy were protected by him, and 
he encouraged the movement in favor of the autonomy of Italy 
against Byzantium, until the pope identified himself with the re- 
bellious dukes. Even then Liutprand's opposition to the papacy 
remained always of a political, and not of a religious character 
(Hartmann, II, 2, 125, 126). He encouraged the culture as well 
as the religion of Rome, and his aim was to rule ultimately over a 
civilized, as well as a Catholic Italy. He adapted himself to 
general as well as local currents of popular opinion, as is seen in 
the fact that he retained in his laws the trial by battle while ex- 
pressing his own disbelief in its justice and that he gave to Bene- 
vento and to Friuli rulers of their own princely lines, after he had 
subjugated them to his authority. He always recognized the 
limits of possible achievement, and did not, like his successor 
Aistulf, contend madly against the inevitable. He was an effi- 
cient administrator and an able legislator as well as a courageous 

BOOK VI. 309 

and successful warrior. And yet this really great statesman, like 
his distinguished Ostrogothic predecessor Theodoric, could neither 
read nor write (Hartmann, II, 2, 127). 

Paul's last book contains many grammatical errors and faults 
of construction. It was more carelessly written than the preceding 
portions of the work, and being the last book of an unfinished his- 
tory, it is itself somewhat incomplete. 

It is greatly to be regretted that Paul' s work ceases at the very 
place where, independently of other sources, he could have told 
his story in great part out of the rich abundance of his own experi- 
ence. From his position toward the last Langobard princes on 
the one side and their Prankish conquerors and the church upon 
the other, he possessed the highest qualifications for writing an 
impartial contemporary history of the overthrow of the Langobard 
kingdom, yet for this period, the most pregnant of all in its re- 
sults on general history, we have only the meager accounts of the 
Frankish authorities, and the papal writings which are filled with 
partisan spirit. The most important source for the last half cen- 
tury of the Langobard kingdom is found in the lives of the Roman 
popes, composed by members of the Roman court, mostly con- 
temporaneous, and collected by Anastasius in the second half of 
the ninth century. Besides these we have the letters of the popes 
to the Frankish kings and such authorities as the Chronicle of the 
monk Benedict of Soracte, the Legend of St. Julia, the legendary 
Life of Saints Amelius and Amicus, and the Chronicles of Nova- 
lese and Salerno (Abel, p. xxiv to xxvi). 

Our knowledge of the last days of the Langobard kingdom is 
therefore very fragmentary and great care is required even in the 
use of the slender materials we have. No adequate explanation 
is given in them for the extraordinary fact that a powerful and 
freedom-loving people, fifty years after it had reached the summit 
of its power under king Liutprand, was overthrown and became 
the spoil of its Frankish neighbor. 

A closer investigation shows that this was due to the lack of any 
proper law of succession to the Langobard throne, to the absence 
of sufficient cohesive power in the monarchy, to the intractable 
character of the Langobard nobles, to increasing difficulties with 


the church, and to the civil disturbances and quarrels occasioned 
by all these causes. After the time of Gregory It, the independ- 
ence of the papacy and its desire for temporal power greatly 
increased, while the authority of the Greek empire over its scat- 
tered Italian possessions grew constantly weaker. Charles Martel 
was bound to Liutprand by friendship and by the need of aid 
against the Saracens, but after Liutprand' s death the relations 
between the Franks and the Langobards became mere strained. 
(Abel, xxvii, et seq.} Liutprand' s successor, Hildeprand, did not 
possess sufficient skill either to conciliate the adherents of the 
Pope or to control his Langobard subjects. Duke Transamund 
was reinstated in Spoleto, and soon the most powerful Langobard 
leader in the north, duke Ratchis of Friuli, was chosen king by 
his dependents, and Hildeprand was deposed after a reign of only 
eight months. Ratchis, whose diplomatic character had been 
shown in his career under Liutprand, now concluded a twenty 
years' truce with Rome, but from some cause unknown to us, diiii- 
culties afterwards arose, and he found himself constrained to 
attack the Pentapolis and to lay siege to 1'erugia. The Pope 
came from Rome with a train of followers, visited the camp of 
Ratchis, and in a personal interview induced him to desist from 
his undertaking. This subserviency to papal influence, however, 
aroused the contempt of his own nobles and followers, who in 
Milan, in June, 749, chose as their king his younger brother 
Aistulf, a man of headstrong and unyielding character, whereupon 
Ratchis became a monk in the cloister of T.Ionte Cassino. Aistulf 
now began a career of conquest, capturing Comacchio and Fer- 
rara, and within two years from his accession, Ravenna, the 
capital of the exarchate, was in his hands. Then he pushed on 
to Rome, and thus gave occasion to the coalition between the 
papacy and the Frankish kingdom, which ultimately led to the 
overthrow of the Langobard dominion. (Hartmann, II, 2, 146- 
151.) Owing to the weakness of the empire and to the theological 
and other differences between Rome and Byzantium, the practical 
separation of the \Vest from the East was already far advanced, 
and the spiritual influence of the pontiff over the countries of the 
West, stimulated by reforms in the church and by numerous pil- 

'BOOK VI. 311 

grimages to Rome from Britain and other countries, was becoming 
very powerful. Charles Martel had been succeeded by Pipin, 
who desired to change his title of Mayor of the Palace (where he - 
reigned in the name of a helpless Merovingian monarch) to that 
of king, and who wished to secure the recognition of his new title, 
not only by the chiefs and nobles of his realm, but also by the 
church and by the Roman empire. Accordingly he sent an em- 
bassy to Rome to enquire of the Pope whether it was proper that 
in the kingdom of the Franks there should be kings who possessed 
no kingly power, and the Pope answered, as had been anticipated, 
that it would be better that he who had the power should be the 
monarch. Pipin now assumed that he was called to the sover- 
eignty by apostolic authority. The Franks assembled at Soissons 
and chose him as their king, and he ascended the throne in No- 
vember, 751, while the last Merovingian monarch was sent to a 
cloister. The papacy had thus rendered the new Frankish king 
a most important service, and now when it found itself in peril 
from the Langobards it was natural that a return should be solic- 
ited. In June, 752, when Aistulf with his army threatened Rome, 
Stephan, who had succeeded Zacharias in the papacy, secretly 
sent a message to Pipin imploring him to send ambassadors to 
that city to conduct the Pope to the kingdom of the Franks. Not 
long afterwards an imperial messenger from Constantinople 
brought word to Stephan that the emperor could send no help, 
but he commanded the Pope to seek a personal interview with the 
Langobard king and induce him if possible to relinquish his de- 
signs. In the meantime Pipin' s ambassadors had come to con- 
duct the Pope to the Frankish king, and in October, 753, Stephan, 
in company with these, as well as the imperial representatives, 
proceeded to Aistulf, who had withrawn from Rome and was then 
at Pavia, his own capital city. He refused, however, to abate his 
pretentions or to restore any of the territory he had taken from 
the empire. The emissaries of the Frankish king now requested 
Aistulf to dismiss the Pope that he might go with them to Pipin. 
Aistulf fell into a fury at the prospect of his plans being thwarted 
by a combination with the Franks, but he did not venture to re- 
strain the Pope and thus bring on an inevitable conflict. Stephan 


proceeded upon his journey, and Pipin, after an assembly of the 
Prankish kingdom had ratified his policy, agreed to restore, not 
to the emperor, but to the representative of St. Peter, the terri- 
tories that had been seized by the Langobard king. Pipin and 
his two sons, Charles and Carloman, were now consecrated by the 
Pope, and the Prankish nobles bound themselves under pain of 
excommunication to choose no sovereign from any other line. 
The Prankish authorities relate that the king and his sons were at 
the same time made patricians, which was an imperial rank, and 
implied a recognition of their title at Constantinople. (Hartmann. 
2, 176-187.) This title may have been granted in accordance 
with a previous understanding with the emperor or his representa- 
tives, but if so the empire subsequently derived little advantage 
from the act. 

The league between Pipin and the Pope was thus sealed by 
the mutual exchange of possession that belonged to neither, since 
Stephan gave Pipin the crown of the Merovingians, and the king 
promised the Pope the territories which had belonged to the 
empire (Abel, xxviii, xxix). The king accordingly set out with 
his army for Italy ; defeated Aistulf near the foot of the Alps 
and laid siege to Pavia, whereupon the Langobard king agreed to 
restore Ravenna and the rest of the conquered territory and to 
comply with the Pope's demands. But scarcely had the Franks 
left Italy when he repudiated his promises, and in January, 756 he 
renewed his attack upon Rome. Again Stephan implored and 
secured the intervention of the Franks, again Aistulf was defeated 
and besieged in his capital city and again Pipin "gave him his 
life and his kingdom," but upon condition that Aistulf should not 
only restore the captured territory, but should give to the Franks 
one-third of the royal treasure in Pavia besides other gifts, and pay 
an annual tribute of twelve thousand solidi. Aistulf did not long 
survive this last humiliation, he died in December, 756 (Hart- 
mann, II, 2, 189 to 197), from an accident while hunting. His 
brother Ratchis now forsook his monastery, and was recognized 
as king by the Langobards north of the Apennines, while De- 
siderius, a duke in Tuscia, set up his own pretensions to the throne 
and the Spoletans and Beneventans joined the league of the Pope 

BOOK VI. 313 

with the Prankish king. Ratchis appeared to have the advantage 
of Desiderius until the latter appealed to Stephan, who required 
from him an oath to surrender the cities belonging to the empire 
and to live in peace with Rome and faithful to the Prankish king- 
dom. Upon these terms Stephan agreed to support his preten- 
sions; he now became undisputed king and Ratchis again retired. 
Faenza and Ferrara however were the only territories he had sur- 
rendered when Stephan died and was succeeded by his brother 
Paul, whereupon Desiderius, far from fulfilling his promises, 
pushed forward with his army through the papal Pentapolis into 
Spoleto, treated its duke as a rebel, expelled the duke of Bene- 
vento and put his own son-in-law Arichis into the vacant place. 
He raised difficulties in respect to the boundaries of the places to 
be ceded, but by Pipin's intervention a compromise was effected 
by which the Pope renounced his claim upon the territories not 
yet surrendered, and Desiderius agreed to recognize the Pope's 
authority over his Italian possessions and to protect him against 
an attack from his own nominal sovereign the emperor (Hart- 
mann, II, 2, .206-215). 

In 768 Pipin died and was succeeded by his sons Charles and 
Carloman, whose mother Bertrada sought an alliance with the 
Bavarians and the Langobards, and asked for the hand of the 
daughter of Desiderius for Charles. In 771 Carloman died, 
whereupon Charles seized his brother's share of the kingdom, re- 
pudiated the marriage planned for him by his mother and sent 
back the daughter of Desiderius. The widow and children of 
Carloman were now taken under the protection of the Langobard 
monarch, and deadly hatred arose between the two sovereigns. 
Desiderius now seized Faenza, Ferrara and Comacchio and pushed 
forward into the territories of Ravenna and Rome. Hadrian, who 
then occupied the papal throne, urgently besought Charlemagne 
for immediate aid. Charlemagne traversed the passes of the 
Alps, marched against Desiderius and laid siege to Pavia. In 
June, 774, the city was taken, Desiderius was led into cap- 
tivity and the kingdom of the Langobards was destroyed. Charle- 
magne was afterwards crowned Emperor of the West and the 
temporal power of the papacy over a region in the middle of Italy 


was permanently established (Abel, xxvii to xxix). Grievous 
consequences have followed the division of that^ peninsula into 
fragments which have continued almost to the present time; and 
the dream of Italian unity cherished by Rothari and Liutprand 
was not to be realized until the days of Victor Emmanuel, Cavour 
and Garibaldi. 



Bruckner (Sprache der Langobarden , pp. 24 to 32) remarks 
that it is usual to consider the Langobards as a Suevian and 
therefore a High-German stock, but that Mullenhof in his dis- 
cussion concerning the German peoples on the North and Baltic 
seas pronounces the Langobards to be Ingvaeones 1 closely 
allied in saga and history with the peoples of the peninsula of 
Jutland. As evidence that the Langobards are Suevians, the 
statements of Tacitus and Ptolemy and the progressive change 
of mute consonants which has taken place in the Langobard 
language are adduced. But with Tacitus and Ptolemy many 
tribes were included under name of Suevi that were not of 
Suevian origin, for example the Angles who were Ingvaeones, 
and with these authors the name Suevi possibly had a politi- 
cal meaning designating the great league under Marobod. 
That the Langobards in their language made the progressive 
change in mute consonants common to High-Germans, Bruck- 
ner does not consider conclusive, since even in their abodes on 
the lower Elbe they were neighbors of the Suevi, and after their 
migration to the south at the end of the third century they 
completely lost their connection with other Ingvaeones and 
came into contact with numerous High- German races until at 
last in Italy they became the neighbors of the Bavarians and 

1 Tacitus (Germania, II) divides the West-German peoples into 
three principal classes, Ingvaeones (or Ingsevones), Hermiones 
and Istaevones from the names of the three sons of Mannus from 
whom they were supposed to be descended. The Ingvaeones 
lived by the sea (id.) and included the Low-German tribes (Zeuss, 
70, 7i). 



the Alamanni. If, therefore, the same changes of language 
occurred in the Langobard as in the High- German dialects, 
this would not prove the Suevian origin of that people. 

On the other hand, Langobard jurisprudence does not closely 
resemble that of the Franks and other High-German races, 
but forms a group with that of the Old- Saxons and Anglo- 
Saxons. A series of similar legal principles has been collected, 
the relationship between Langobard and Saxon law has been 
shown, as well as certain characteristic resemblances in Anglo- 
Saxon and Langobard constitutions and a great similarity be- 
tween Langobard and Scandinavian laws and customs. 

The vocabulary of the Langobard language shows numerous 
points of close resemblance with that of the Anglo-Saxon and 
the Old-Saxon, particularly in legal expressions, and the inflec- 
tion agrees in the few points which we can recognize with cer- 
tainty and indeed in some points in which the Old-High- 
German varies from the Old-Saxon and the Anglo-Saxon. 
Thus the Langobard shows the distinction between long and 
short syllabled / roots in the nominative singular and between 
short and long syllabled feminine a roots which latter distinc- 
tion occurs elsewhere only in Anglo-Saxon. 

There is also a remarkable resemblance in saga and myth. 
For example , the Langobards gave special reverence to Wotan 
and his wife Frea whose worship was indigenous to the people 
of North Germany and Scandinavia, but not to the High-Ger- 
man races. It is further known that the Anglo-Saxon hero 
Sceaf is named in the Widsith or Traveller's Song (see Hodgkin 
V, 176) as king of the Langobards, (Koegel, Geschichte d. d. 
Litteratur i, 104). Bruckner finds a resemblance in the names 
of the kings of the Langobards, as shown by the genealogy of 
Rothari, with those of the kings of the Anglo-Saxons ; and he 
also refers to the fact that the old Langobard costumes were 
similar to those of the Anglo-Saxons (Paul IV , 22). For these 
reasons he believes that the language of the Langobards became 


modified after their migration toward the south, and he places 
that people with the Anglo- Frisian group of Ingvaeones. 

Hodgkin (V, 152, 153) also speaks of the difference of 
opinion as to the ethnological position of the Langobards, men- 
tions the contention of Bluhme for their Low-German charac- 
ter, and that of Schmidt (p. 74) for their High-German 
origin, and thus concludes : "We have in the Lombards, as 
I venture to think, a race originally of Low-German origin, 
coming from the coasts and islands of the Baltic, and closely 
akin to our own Anglo-Saxon forefathers. So far the case 
seems clear, and probably the Lombards spoke a pure Low- 
German dialect when they dwelt in Bardengau by the Elbe 
and when they fought with the Vandals. But by about the 
middle of the second century after Christ they gravitated 
towards the great Suevic confederation and visited, in its 
train, the lands of the Middle Danube, where (if I read their 
history aright) they remained more or less persistently for 
nearly four hundred years. This surely was a long enough 
time to give a Suevic, that is, a Swabian or High-German, 
character to their speech, sufficient time to change their B's 
into P's, their G's into K's, and their T's into Z's before they V 
emerged into the world of book-writing and book-reading 


The overthrow of the Roman empire had as its necessary 
result that in the different political territories comprising it, the 
historical literature of one people was superimposed upon that 
of another. There were soon formed three principal groups, 
that of the Eastern empire , that of the Langobards and that of 
the Franks. Naturally these did not stand shut off and dis- 
connected from each other but they were mutually intertwined. 
No author has worked together these three groups in connection 
with the history of the undivided Roman empire in so compre- 
hensive a manner as Paul. In this way direction is given, to 
the investigation of the sources of his history. These three 
masses are first to be separated (Mommsen, p. 56). We have 
therefore : 

(a) Frankish sources, 1 

(b) Langobard sources, 

(c) Roman sources. 


For the Frankish tradition Paul has used almost exclusively 
in the first part of his narrative the " History of the Franks " 
by Gregory of Tours. 2 He omits the earlier portions of that 

1 These being the simplest are considered first. I follow 
Mommsen' s order in this discussion. 

"Georgius Florentius, who afterwards took the ecclesiastical 
name of Gregory, was born about 538 at Clermont Ferrand, 
Auvcrgne, France, became bishop of Tours 573, died 594 or 595. 
His history, written in most ungrammatical Latin, is of the highest 
authority in regard to Frankish affairs, for the period 561 to 591 



history, but from the time of the immigration of the Lango- 
bards into Italy, which makes them the neighbors of the 
Franks, he uses the work in a general way and especially in 
regard to the relations between these two peoples, and he 
often transcribes it, as he himself says (III, 29), " almost in 
the same words ". Paul's third book consists in greater part 
of such excerpts (Mommsen, 57). 

From Gregory is taken (Jacobi, 33-3 7) the statement that 
Buccelinus (P. II, 2 ; Greg. Ill, 32) sent booty to Theudepert ; 
the account of the help which Alboin received from the Saxons 
for his expedition to Italy (P. II, 6 ; Gregory IV, 4243 ; V, 
15 ); the enumeration of the sons of Chlothar, who were reign- 
ing when the Langobards invaded Italy (P. II, 10 ; Greg. IV, 
22), and the wars of Sigisbert with the Avars (id. IV, 23, 29) 
as well as his marriage with Brunicheldis, (id. IV, 27). 

There are some mistakes in Paul's citations from Gregory. 
Thus Gregory mentions (IV, 41 ) the expedition of Alboin and 
adds that in seven years the conquest of the country was com- 
pleted amid great devastation. Paul relates (II, 32) that this 
occured in the seventh year after Alboin 's arrival (Jacobi, 34). 

Gregory is the source also (Jacobi, 35) for Paul's account of 
St. Hospitius (P. Ill, 1,2: Greg. VI, 6) ; of the irruption of 
the Langobards and Saxons into Provence and their repulse by 
Mummulus (P. Ill, 3,4; Greg. IV. 42) ; of the return of the 
Saxons to their former abodes (III, 5,6; Greg. IV, 42) ; of 
their conflicts there and their overthrow by the Suevians (P. 
Ill, 7 ; Greg. V, 15) ; of the foray of the three Langobard 
dukes Amo, Zaban and Rodanus (P. Ill, 8 ; Greg. IV, 44) ; 
of the murder of Sigisbert I (P. Ill, 10 ; Greg. IV, 51, 52, 
V, I) and the succession of Childebert II. Paul copies in 

when it closes. He is less reliable as to external matters and his 
sketches of the Langobard campaigns in the south of Gaul are 
meager and unsatisfactory (Hodgkin, V, 179 to 181). 


full detail from Gregory the account of Justin II and Tiberius 
II (P. Ill, n, 12, 13, 15; Greg. IV, 40; V, 19, 30; VI, 
2, 30) but upsets the chronology (see note F. Ill, 11) as he 
also does in transcribing the account of the subsidy paid by the 
emperor Maurice to Childepert for the invasion of Italy (P. 
Ill, 1 7, note, also P. Ill, 22; Greg. VI, 42 ; VIII, 18; See 
Jacobi, 35 ). The narrative of the irruption of a Frankish army 
into Italy in 588 and its overthrow (P. Ill, 29; Greg. IX, 
25) and of the campaign of 590 (P. Ill, 31) also come from 
Gregory (X, 2, 3). As to the events in Spain and the rela- 
tion between the Gothic and Frankish kingdoms resulting 
therefrom (III, 21) Paul treats Gregory's account as given too 
much in detail and uses Bede's Chronicle (AM. 4536) in part, 
instead 1 (See note supra, III, 21). 

Paul also took from Gregory the account of the negotiations 
of king Authari (P. Ill, 28 ; Greg. IX, 25) for the sister of 
Childepert and how Childepert in violation of his promises gave 
her to the Catholic king of the Goths ; also the fable of the 
dragon seen in the Tiber, the account of the seven- fold litany 
(P. Ill, 24 ; Greg. X, i) and the embassy to Childepert (P. 
Ill, 35 ; Gregory X, 3) on the death of Authari. The use of 
Gregory as an authority here ceases (Jacobi, 37). 

The history of Gregory of Tours comes down to 591 and 
after this period Paul's accounts of events in the Frankish 
kingdom become very scanty (Mommsen, p. 57). He adds a 
legend however, which he learned in France regarding king 
Gunthram which, as he says, was not included in the History 
of the Franks (III, 34 ; Momm., p. 57). There is consider- 
able doubt what other Frankish sources, if any, he has used. 
An important authority at this period is the so-called Frede- 

1 Gregory's statement that Ingunde died in Africa (Greg., VIII, 
21, 28) is to be preferred to that of Paul (III, 21) who says she 
died in Sicily (Jacobi, 36, 37). 


garius, the name assigned to the unknown compiler or com- 
pilers of a work coming down to 642. l There is much 
difference of opinion whether Paul has used this authority. 
Points of resemblance appear between the two accounts ; for 
instance, Paul's statement (II, 5) that the empress Sophia 
sent word to Narscs that she would make him portion out the 
tasks of wool in the womens' chamber, to which Narses an- 
swered that he would prepare her such a web as she could 
not unravel in her lifetime. Fredegarius (Epit., ch. 65) re- 
lates a similar circumstance although the words are different. 
Moreover a story like that which Paul tells of the marriage of 
Theudelinda with Agilulf (III, 35) i3 related by Fredegarius 
(Chron., ch. 70) of Rothari and Gundeperga, the widow of 
Arioald. According to Fredegarius (ch. 51, 70, 71) Gunde- 
perga had to suffer both from Arioald and from Rothari quite 
similar treatment as from Rodoald according to Paul. Frede- 
garius (Chron., ch. 34) says that Agilulf and Theudelinda had 
caused the murder of Gunduald from jealousy of his popular- 
ity, while Paul says (IV, 40) that the author of the deed is 
unknown. Pabst (Forsch., 428, n. 4) considers Paul's 
statement (IV., 41) that Adaloald was deposed after a ten 
years' reign on account of insanity, as a simple extract from the 
chronicle of Fredegarius (ch. 49). But Fredegarius says noth- 
ing of Theudelinda reigning with her son, although the Lango- 
bard Chronicler of the year 641 confirms this (Jacobi, 39). 

1 Fredegarius was apparently a Burgundian ecclesiastic who, in 
the first three books of his Chronicle, which began with the crea- 
tion of the world, copied from Gregory's history, inserting long 
passages from Jerome, Hippolytus, Idatius and Isidore, but in the 
fourth book, which commences in the year 583, he writes as a more 
independent historian and continues the work of Gregory to a later 
period. He died probably before 663. From about 631 he 
speaks as a contemporary, though he is often ill-informed and in- 
accurate (Hodgkin, VI, 149). 


Paul's accounts concerning Frankish history from 590 to 
612 need not be traced to Fredegarius. Paul mentions a war 
about 593 (IV, 4) between Childepert II and the son of 
Hilperic, a bloody rain in the land of the Briones and a stream 
of blood in the Renus, all which are lacking in Fredegarius. 
So also the statement that Childepert made Tassilo king 
(IV, 7) in Bavaria. Paul relates the death of Childepert II 
and his wife by poison (IV, n) ; Fredegarius (Chron., ch. 
1 6) merely says Childepert died. Paul puts Childepert's 
death before that of Gunthram, which, according to Frede- 
garius, occurred four years earlier (Jacobi, 40). Fredegarius 
has no account of the invasion of the Avars into Thuringia 
mentioned by Paul (IV, n) ; nor of the peace between Agilulf 
andTheoderic (P. IV, 13). When therefore Paul (IV, 15) 
speaks of the appearances in the heavens in almost the same 
words as Fredegarius (Chron., ch. 20) the resemblance is 
either accidental or is due to the use by these two authors of 
a common source, since Paul immediately adds an account of 
a war between Clothar and Theudepert, while according to 
Fredegarius, Clothar fought with the two sons of Childepert 
(Chron., ch. 20). Paul's statement (IV, 28) regarding the 
war is so indefinite that a conclusion that it was drawn from 
Fredegarius cannot be made. Paul also states quite briefly 
(IV, 40) Theudepert's death, while Fredegarius describes his 
overthrow in detail, but omits his death (ch. 38). All these 
occurrences took place between 590 and 618 and it does not 
speak in favor of the use of Fredegarius that Paul from that 
time to 663 omits all Frankish history, and first mentions, 
(V, 5) a legendary victory of Grimuald at Rivoli over a 
Frankish army from Provence, which the Frankish sources do 
not speak of. 

As the result of his investigation Jacobi concludes (41) that 
if any use was made by Paul of Fredegarius it must be limited 
to the story of the flight of Cesara, the Persian queen, to 


Constantinople (IV, 50; Fred. Chron., ch. 9) and that Paul's 
statements regarding Frankish history are to be traced, not to 
Fredegarius, but to Secundus. 

Even as to Cesara the use of Fredegarius seems improbable, 
for while Paul makes the Persian king come to Constantinople 
for baptism (IV, 50), according to Fredegarius ( Chron. ,ch. 9) 
the scene occurs at Antioch ; Fredegarius gives the name of the 
Persian king as Anaulf, Paul does not name him ; Fredegarius 
puts the whole occurrence in 588, about eight years earlier 
than Paul. Jacobi explains these discrepancies by adopting the 
view that Paul did not have the chronicle immediately before 
him, but inserted the story from memory or from a short ex- 
tract. It seems more probable that here, as well as in matters 
relating to Frankish history, Paul and Fredegarius used more 
or less directly a number of the same traditions, and it cannot 
now be determined which of the two has followed the original 
sources of these traditions the more closely. 

The immediate use of Fredegarius by Paul seems to be 
disproved by another circumstance : Fredegarius speaks of the 
murder of duke Taso as occasioned by king Arioald (Chron. 
79) but Paul says (IV, 41) that no information concerning 
Arioald has come to him. How then can he have consulted 
Fredegarius ? 

Did Paul use any other Frankish sources? In his account 
(II, 10) of the wars of the Frankish king Sigisbert over the 
Avars, he mentions Turingia as the scene of the war and the 
Elbe as the place of Sigisbert's victory. These statements are 
not found in Gregory of Tours, from whom the rest of the ac- 
count is taken, and they come (Jacobi, 34) from an unknown 
source, possibly Secundus. Besides, in Paul's legendary account 
(V, 5 ) of a victory of king Grimuald over the Franks at 
Rivoli, occurs an equally doubtful statement (V, 32 and note) 
of a league between Grimuald and king Dagipert. 

Paul (VI, 1 6 and note) mentions St. Arnulf of Metz 


with whose biography he was acquainted, but he incorrectly 
makes ,him contemporary with Cunincpert. The mention of 
Anschis (VI, 23) is erroneously put in the time of Aripert II 
(701 to 712). These things, as well as what Paul (VI, 37) 
says of Pipin II (that accompanied by a single follower, he at- 
tacked .an enemy in his bedchamber beyond the Rhine), do not 
seem to Jacobi (p. 42) to indicate the immediate use of a 
written source. Then Paul mentions Pipin's wars with the 
Saxons and with Ratpot, king of the Frisians, speaks of Pi- 
pin's son Charles Martel,and later (VI, 42) mentions Charles' 
wars against his enemies, where an expression : " When he 
was held in prison he was set free by God's command and es- 
caped," indicates the use of an annalistic source, and resem- 
bles a phrase in the Chronicon Moissiacense, a document of the 
early part of the ninth century (MG. SS. I, 290) that he 
" was held in prison but with God's help presently escaped." 
Also Paul correctly gives the battle of Vincy as the decisive 
victory over Raginfrid (Jacobi, 43). The statement that 
Charles Martel assigned Angers as a dwelling-place to Ragin- 
frid (VI, 42 ) is peculiar to Paul, who differs in this from other 
sources. Paul's account (VI, 46) of the battle of Poictiers 
shows that he took it from some source which was related to 
the Chron. Moiss. 1 (MG. SS. I, 291), which also speaks of 
an alliance between Charles Martel and Eudo, while the an- 
nals of Metz (MG. SS. I, 325 ) say that Eudo called upon the 
Arabs. In the account of the battle of the little river Berre, 
the Chron. Moiss. (MG. SS. I, 292) states that Charles 
Martel, upon the news of the invasion into Provence, marched 
against the Saracens, drove them back over the Rhone, be- 
sieged Narbonne, and without raising the siege, repulsed by 
the river Berre a second army of Arabs approaching for the 

'Waitz refers this to the Liber Pontificalis, (Gregory II), but 
other matters were added by Paul. 


relief of the city ; Paul (VI, 54) speaks of two different cam- 
paigns, in one of which Charles calls upon Liutprand for help. 
The statement that Charles sent his son Pipin to Liutprand 
for adoption (VI, 53) occurs only in Paul. This account, 
which is undoubtedly authentic , could hardly be traced , Jacobi 
thinks (p. 45), to a Prankish source, and he regards Paul him- 
self as the authority. 

The foregoing facts indicate that Paul used certain oral ac- 
counts and traditions he had learned when in France' and that 
if he used any other written Prankish sources such use was 
sparing and fragmentary, and his authorities were far from re- 

Gregory of Tours is, therefore, the only Prankish source of 
any importance used in the History of the Langobards. 


Paul's Langobard authorities, so far as known, are two- fold : 

1. "The Origin of the Nation of Langobards" (Origo 
Gentis Langobardorum). 

2. " The Acts of the Langobards," by Secundus of Trent 
(now lost). 

i . The Origin of the Nation of the Langobards. 
Paul twice refers to a prologue to the Edict of Rothari as one 
of the sources of his history (Jacobi, 4). In book I, chap. 21 
he says : "At the same time Waccho fell upon the Suavi and 
subjected them to his authority. If any one may think that 
this is a lie and not the truth of the matter, let him read over 
the prologue of the edict which king Rothari composed (rele- 
gat prologum edicti quern rex Rothari * * * composuit 1 } of 

1 Bethmann refers quern to edicti following a grammatical mis- 
take in the edict itself. Vesme refers it to prologum implying 
that Paul considered Rothari the author of the prologue (see 
Jacobi, 5). 


the laws of the Langobards and he will find this written in 
almost all the manuscripts as we have inserted, it in this little 
history." Also in book IV, chapter 42 he says : " It was 
now indeed the seventy-seventh year from the time when the 
Langobards had come into Italy as that king (Rotharij bore 
witness in a prologue to his Edict." 

The last passage apparently refers to a short preface to 
Rothari's laws (Edicti Codices, MG. LL. IV, p. i), although 
the y6th year and not the 77th is there mentioned. But this 
preface contains no account of the overthrow of the Suavi by 
Waccho. Bethmann (p. 351 et sty.*), Baude di Vesme 
(Edicta Regum Langobardorum Aug. Taur. 1855, p. LXXI ; 
see Jacobi, 4,5) and others therefore believe that Paul's re- 
ference must be attributed to a short history of the Origin of 
the Nation of the Langobards contained in three manuscripts 
(of Modena, Madrid and La Cava 1 ) and in a fourth form 
greatly interpolated in the so-called Chronic on Gothanum 
(Jacobi, 4). A translation of the Origo as contained in these 
three MSS. is here given :* 

I These manuscripts are described in Bethmann, 356 to 360. 
There is much difference of opinion as to which is the best. 
Bruckner (Zeitschrift fur deutsches Alterthum, vol. 34, pt. i , p. 49, 
note) considers the Modena more ancient and original than the 
Madrid. Also Schmidt (9) who among many reasons refers to 
the correct spelling of \Yinniles, Waltari, Walderada instead of 
Guinniles, Gualtari, Gualderada. Mommsen speaks of the Madrid 
and LaCava MSS. as the two best (p. 57, note) but says the choice 
of the reading is free and that sometimes the Modena is more 
correct (id., 60, note 2). The Madrid MSS. closed A. D. 671, 
the Modena A. D. 668, and Waitz has shown that in so far the 
latter stood nearer the original form (id.). 

I 1 follow the edition of Waitz in Monumenta Germaniae His- 
torica Scriptores Rerum Langobardicarum, pp. 1-6. 


I. There is an island 1 that is called Scadanan, 2 which 
is interpreted "destruction," 3 in the regions of the north, 
where many people dwell. Among these there was a small 
people that was called the Winniles. And with them was a 
woman , Gambara by name , and she had two sons. Ybor was 
the name of one and Agio the name of the other. They, with 
their mother, Gambara by name, held the sovereignty over 
the Winniles. Then the leaders of the Wandals, that is, 
Ambri and Assi, moved with their army, and said to the Win- 
niles : " Either pay us tributes or prepare yourselves for battle 
and fight with us." Then answered Ybor and Agio, with their 
mother Gambara : " It is better for us to make ready the bat- 
tle than to pay tributes to the Wandals." Then Ambri and 
Assi, that is, the leaders of the Wandals, asked Godan that he 
should give them the victory over the Winniles. Godan 
answered, saying : "Whom I shall first see when at sunrise, 
to them will I give the victory." At that time Gambara with 
her two sons, that is, Ybor and Agio, who were chiefs over the 
Winniles, besought Frea, the wife of Godan, to be propitious 
to the Winnilis. Then Frea gave counsel that at sunrise the 
Winniles should come, and that their women, with their hair 
let down around the face in the likeness of a beard , should 
also come with their husbands. Then when it became bright, 
while the sun was rising, Frea, the wife of Godan, turned 
around the bed where her husband was lying and put his face 
toward the east and awakened him. And he , looking at them , 
saw the Winniles and their women having their hair let down 
around the face. And he says, "Who are those Long- beards?" 
And Frea said to Godan, "As you have given them a name, 

1 The Madrid and La Cava manuscripts in place of ' ' There is 
an island " have "That is under the consul" which is evidently 
a corruption (see Mommsen, p. 60, note 2). 

1 " Scadan " says the Modena MS., " Scandanan," the La Cava 

8 Exscidia (Modena MSS.). A derivation pointing to the Gothic 
word skattigan, to injure, German Scliadcn, English scathe 
(Hodg., VI, 90). Mommsen considers this a later interpolation 
to be rejected (p. 60, note 3). 


give them also the victory." And he gave them the victory, 
so that they should defend themselves according to his counsel 
and obtain the victory. From that time the Winniles were 
called Langobards. 

II. And the Langobards moved thence and came to Golaida 
and afterwards they occupied the aldionates of Anthaib and 
Bainaib and also Burgundaib. And it is said that they made 
for themselves a king, Agilmund by name, the son of Agio, of 
the race of Gugingus. And after him reigned Laiamichoof the 
race of Gugingus. 1 And after him reigned Lethuc and it is 
said that he reigned about forty years. And after him reigned 
Aldihoc the son of Lethuc. And after him reigned Godehoc. 

III. At that time king Audoachari went forth from Ravenna 
with the army of the Alani and came into Rugiland and fought 
with the Rugians and killed Theuvane king of the Rugians, 
and led many captives with him into Italy. Then the Lango- 
bards departed from their own territories and dwelt some years 
in Rugiland. 

IV. Claffo, the son of Godehoc reigned after him. And after 
him reigned Tato the son of Claffo. The Langobards settled 
three years in the fields of Feld. Tato fought with Rodolf 
king of the Heruli and killed him and carried off his banner 
(vando} and helmet. After him the Heruli had no kingly 
office. And Wacho the son of Unichis killed king Tato his 
paternal uncle together with Zuchilo. And Wacho fought, 
and Ildichis the son of Tato fought, and Ildichis fled to the 
Gippidi where he died. And to avenge his wrong the Gypidis 
made war with the Langobards. At this time Wacho bent the 
Suabians under the dominion of the Langobards. Wacho had 
three wives : (first) Raicunda, daughter of Fisud king of the 
Turing!. After her he took as his wife Austrigusa a girl of the 
Gippidi. 1 And Wacho had from Austrigusa two daughters ; the 
name of one was Wisigarda whom he gave in marriage to 

1 The words " Of the race of Gugingus " are omitted in the Mo- 
dena MSS. and Mommsen regards them (p. 68) as an interpolation 
(see also Bruckner Zeitschrift fur deutsches Alterthum, p. 56). 

1 Jacobi, 20, note 4. 


Theudipert king 1 of the Franks, and the name of the second 
was Walderada whom Scusuald king of the Franks had as his 
wife , but having her in hatred he transferred her to Garipald 
for a wife. He had as his third wife the daughter of the king 
of the Heruli, Silinga by name. From her he had a son, 
Waltari by name. Wacho died and his son Waltari reigned 
seven years without posterity.' These were all Lethinges. 

V. And after Waltari, reigned Auduin.* He led the Lango- 
bards into Pannonia. And there reigned after him Albuin, 
his son, whose mother is Rodelenda. At that time Albuin 
fought with the king of the Gippidi , Cunimund by name , and 
Cunimund died in that battle and the Gippidi were subjugated. 
Albuin took as his wife Cunimund 's daughter Rosemund, 
whom he had captured as booty, since his wife Flutsuinda, 
who was the daughter of Flothar, king of the Franks, had 
already died. From her he had a daughter by name Albsuinda. 
And the Langobards dwelt forty-two years * in Pannonia. This 
Albuin led into Italy the Langobards who were invited by 
Narses (chief) of the secretaries. And Albuin, king of the 
Langobards, moved out of Pannonia in the month of April 
after 5 Easter in the first indiction. In the second indiction, 
indeed, they began to plunder in Italy, but in the third indic- 
tion he became master of Italy. Albuin reigned in Italy three 
years, and was killed in Verona in the palace by Rosemund 
his wife and Hilmichis upon the advice of Peritheo. Hii- 
ro ichis wished to be king and could not because the Lango- 
bards wanted to slay him. Then Rosemund sent word to the 
prefect Longinus that he should receive her in Ravenna. 
When Longinus presently heard this he rejoiced ; he sent a 
ship of the public service and they brought Rosemund and 
Hilmichis and Albsuinda, king Album's daughter, and con- 

1 Read regi with Modena MS. in place of regis. 
1 " Farigaidus " (Bruckner, pp. 19, 203). 

* " Of the stock of Gausus " says the list of kings in Rothari's 
Prologue (Mon. Germ. Hist. Leges, IV, 2). 

* The Modena MS. says twelve. Neither number is correct. 
They probably remained there about twenty-two years. 

*A Pascha, (Waitz, p. II, 7, note.) 


ducted all the treasures of the Langobards with them to 
Ravenna. Then the prefect Longinus began to persuade 
Rosemund to kill Hilmichis and become the \< - ife of Longinus. 
Having given ear to his counsel, she mixed poison and, after 
the bath, gave it to him (Hilmichis) to drink in a goblet. 1 
But when Hilmichis had drunk, he knew that he had drunk 
something pernicious. He commanded that Rosemund her- 
self should drink, although unwilling, and they both died. 
Then the prefect Longinus took the treasure of the Langobards 
and commanded Albsuinda, the daughter of king Albuin, to be 
put in a ship, and sent her over to Constantinople to the em- 

VI. The rest of the Langobards set over themselves a king 
named Cleph, of the stock of Beleos, and Cleph reigned two 
years and died. And the dukes of the Langobards adminis- 
tered justice for twelve years and after these things they set up 
over themselves a king named Autari, the son of Cleph. And 
Autari took as his wife Theudelenda, a daughter of Garipald 
and of Walderada from Bavaria. And with Theudelenda came 
her brother named Gundoald, and king Autari appointed him 
duke in the city of Asta. And Autari reigned seven years. 
And Ac quo, 2 the Thuringian duke , s departed from Turin and 
united himself with queen Theudelenda and became king of 
the Langobards. And he killed his rebel dukes Zangrolf of 
Verona, Mimulf of the island of St. Julian and Gaidulf of Ber- 
gamo, and others who were rebels. And Acquo begot of 
Theudelenda a daughter, Gunperga 4 by name. And Acquo 
reigned six years, and after him Aroal reigned twelve years. 5 

1 Thus Abel translates in caldo (p. 6), or perhaps it is " In a hot 

1 Aggo in Modena MSS. 

J Turingus, Perhaps this merely means that he was duke of 
Turin. " Of the stock of Anawas " adds the Prologue to Rothari's 
Edict (Mon. Germ. Hist. Leges, Vol. IV, p. 2). 

4 "And a son named Adwald " adds the Modena MSS. 

6 In the Prologue, " Arioald of the race of Caupus." The text 
here seems greatly corrupted. Paul and the Chronicon Gothanum 
give Agilulf's rei^n at 25 years and that of his son Adalwald (here 
omitted) at 10 years. 


And after him reigned Rothari, of the race of Arodus, and he 
destroyed the city and fortresses of the Romans which were 
around the coasts from the neighborhood of Luna 1 up to the 
land of the Franks and in the east up to Ubitergium (Oderzo) . 
And he fought near the river Scultenna,* and there fell on the 
side of the Romans the number of eight thousand. 

VII. And Rothari reigned seventeen years. And after him 
reigned Aripert nine years. And after him reigned Grimoald. 3 
At this time the emperor Constantine departed from Constan- 
tinople and came into the territories of Campania and turned 
back to Sicily and was killed by his own people. And Grimoald 
reigned nine years, and after him Berthari reigned. 4 

Bluhme says (Mon. Germ. Hist. Leges, IV, p. 646, note) 
that several reasons indicate that the text of this Origo was 
written when Berthari (Perctarit) was king. Baude di Vesme 
attributes it to Rothari's time, and believes that the final state- 
ments were subsequent additions. Bethmann (p. 414) at- 
tributes it to the seventh year of the reign of Grimoald. (See 
also Jacobi, 8,9.) 

Of the fourth text, the Chronicon Gothanum, Hodgkin re- 
marks (V, 69), "To one manuscript of the Lombard laws, that 
now preserved in the ducal library of Gotha, there is prefixed 
an introduction on the history of the Lombards which evidently 
shows a certain affinity to the Origo, but is of later date, 
and contains some curious additions as to the early migrations 
of the race. It continues the history down to the time of 
Charles the Great, and was probably written under his son 
Pipin, (A. D. 807-810.) (See also Schmidt, 10.) The author 
is a strongly-pronounced Christian, and loves to support his 
statements by quotations from Scripture. He is, however, 

1 Northwest of Lucca. 

1 In Modena. 

The Modena MSS. adds " seventeen years." 

* The Modena MSS. omits the sentence regarding Berthari. 


very imperfectly informed as to early Lombard history ; he 
wrote, as will be seen, two hundred and fifty years after the 
invasion, and it does not seem wise to place much dependence 
on his statements where they differ from those of the Origo." 

The question what Paul took from the Origo has been ex- 
haustively discussed, first, in Jacobi's monograph, " The 
Sources of Paul the Deacon's History of the Langobards " 
(Halle, 1877), and, secondly, in an article by Theodore 
Mommsen published in the Neues Archiv, Vol. V, 53, et seq. 
(1879). Let us consider these discussions in their order. 

According to Jacobi (p. 10) Paul took from the Origo, first, 
the account of the origin of the Langobards in the North. 
With the aid of Pliny, he identified Scadan or Scadanan (1,2; 
Pliny, Nat. Hist., IV, 27 [13]) with Scadinavia. The de- 
scription he gives of that " island ' ' may be from an oral 
account. The words of the Origo, " In the regions of the 
north where many people dwell," give occasion for Paul's 
first chapter, showing the advantage of northern lands for the 
development of powerful peoples. In this he garnished his 
account from Isidore, as will hereafter appear. 

Paul then causes the Langobards to come forth from Scadi- 
navia (I, 3) on account of over- population, " although other 
causes are asserted for their emigration." The Origo assigns 
no cause, but the Chronicon Gothanum says in its confused 
way, "The ancient ancestors of the Langobards assert from 
their parent Gambara for what purpose was their departure or 
emigration," etc. They came first to Scoringa (I, 7), where 
they remained a long time. Here they were attacked by the 
Wandals under Ambri and Assi. Now Paul (I, 7 and 8) , fol- 
lowing the Origo, relates the saga by which the victory was 
accorded to them by Wotan with Frea's help and they acquired 
the name of Langobards. Jacobi believes (p. 13) that the 
name Scoringa was dropped from the text of the Origo as it 
has come down to us, and that the derivation of the name of 


the Langobards from their method of wearing their hair is also 
drawn from some earlier copy of the Origo, although this addi- 
tion is lacking in the three manuscripts. The Chronicon 
Gothanum states that they changed their name to Langobards 
"because their beard was long and never shaved." These 
last words come from Isidore (Etymology, IX, 2, 94), but 
Jacobi (13) considers it probable that they were derived 
therefrom through the Origo, since there is found elsewhere in 
the Origo traces of the use of Isidore (Jacobi, 14). 

The Langobards obtain the victory over the Vandals (1, 10) 
but a famine soon breaks out in Scoringa and they resolve to 
emigrate (I, n, 12) to Mauringa. But they must pass 
through the territory of the Assipitti who refuse them transit. 
By cunning the Langobards divert a threatened attack, and a 
duel between a champion of the Assipitti and a Langobard slave 
opens the way to them. To increase the number of men cap- 
able of bearing arms they bestow freedom upon many of their 
slaves by the ancient symbol of the arrow (See Kammerstein, 
Bardengau, 65). The Origo contains nothing of all this 
(Jacobi, 15). 

The Origo knows nothing of the famine which compelled 
the people to emigrate from Scoringa. Jacobi considers it 
incredible that Paul arbitrarily inserted Scoringa and Mauringa, 
and he believes that these names were in the original copy of 
the Origo which Paul used. 

According to Jacobi (i6),Vesme's view that everything 
Paul did not borrow from the Origo and Gregory of Tours 
regarding the early history of his people comes from the lost 
work of Secundus, has been refuted by Waitz (Gotting gel. 
Anz. 1856 p. 1587). Everything which can be traced with 
certainty to Secundus indicates that the lost work of that author 
had an annalistic form. 

The statements of the wandering from Mauringa to Vur- 
gundaib, Paul takes almost word for word (I, 13) from the 


Origo. His account of the elevation cf king Agelmund to the 
throne (I, 14) and the thirty-three-year reign 9f that monarch 
does not vary from his copy, but the motive for the selection 
of a king appears to be Paul's own addition. It is the same 
which was attributed to the Israelites when Saul was made 
their king (I Samuel VIII, 5) " Now make us a king to judge 
us like all the nations " (Jacobi, 17). 

Paul then mentions Lamissio as the second king (P. I, 17) 
but relates much more than stands in the Origo which simply 
declares, " After Agilmund, reigned Laiamicho of the race of 
Gugingus." It appears to Jacobi that all this addition comes 
from another source, since departing from the Origo, Lamis- 
sio's monstrous birth and rescue from the pond by king Agel- 
mund is stated (I, 15) while his six brothers are drowned, and 
afterwards the Langobards pass over a river and fight with the 
Amazons. Neither can the defeat of the Langobards by the 
Bulgarians nor the liberation of the people through Lamissio's 
boldness be traced to the Origo, but Paul returns to that ac- 
count when he mentions the succession of king Lethu and the 
two following kings (chap. 18), and the taking possession of 
Rugiland by the Langobards (Paul, ch. 19, Jacobi, p. 19). 
This short account of the Origo, Paul amplifies with additions 
from Eugippius Life of St. Severinus and from the Chronicle of 
Jordanis. According to the Origo he then mentions the death 
.of Godeoc, the succession of Claffo and Tato, the emigration 
of the Langobards from Rugiland, their three years stay in the 
open " feld," the war of Tato with Rodolf , king of the Heroli, 
the overthrow of the latter and the capture of his banner and 
his helmet (ch. 20). On the other hand Paul gives as the 
cause of the war the murder of Rodolf 's brother at the insti- 
gation of Rumetruda and describes the fight in detail from an 
unknown source and he then comes back to the Origo with the 
statement that Tato carried off the standard of Rodolf. Here 
two sources can clearly be distinguished (Jacobi, 20) . Tato's 


overthrow by Waccho (whom Paul erroneously makes the son 
of Zuchilo) ; Waccho's contest with Hildechis ; the flight of the 
latter to the Gepidae ; the enmity thereafter between the two 
peoples and the subjugation of the Suevi by Waccho are re- 
ported by Paul from the Origo without variation. From the 
same source he enumerates the three wives of Waccho and 
their children, but with Ranicunda he leaves out the name of 
her father. He calls Austrigusa a daughter of the king of the 
Gepidae (I, 21), departing from the Origo which called her 
a girl of the Gepidae. Waltari, Waccho's son is called in the 
Origo farigaidus, "without descendants" an adjective lack- 
ing in Paul (Jacobi, 21 ). Audoin's expedition to Pannonia 
(I, 22) and the name of his wife Rodelinda (I, 27) are taken 
from the Origo. 1 On the other hand Paul introduces from 
another source the account (I, 2324) of the duel of Alboin 
with Turismod the son of Turisind and the expedition to the 
latter king to get his arms. Paul takes from the Origo the 
account of Alboin's first marriage with Chlotsuinda ; the battle 
with the Gepidae and the marriage of Alboin with Rosemund 
(I, 27), but he makes two additions; one that Alboin found 
support from the Avars and the other that the skull of Cuni- 
mund was used as a drinking-cup. Since Paul says (II, 
28) he saw this drinking vessel in the hand of king Ratchis, 
perhaps that king is our author's authority. Menander 
(Exc. legatt, p. 303, 304, Bonn, ed.) confirms the state- 
ment that the Langobards had the help of the Avars (Jacobi, 
22). Paul now follows other sources and returns to the Origo 
when he states that Alboin by treaty relinquished Pannonia to 
the Avars (II, 7). The three manuscrips of LaCava, Madrid 

T The Chronicon Gothanum calls Audoin's mother " Menia the 
wife of king Pissa, ' ' and speaks of him as of the race of Gausus 
(M. G. LL., IV, 644). Paul and the Origo make no mention of 
the matter. 


and Modena here give evidence of an important omission. 
The Chronicon Gothanum alone has kept the account of this 
matter ' and Jacob! considers that from this place on it gives 
us the better text. The story that Narses called the Lango- 
bards into the country occurs in the Origo, but Paul here gives 
the preference to another and more complete source, the Liber 
Pontificalis. On the other hand he gives from the Origo (and 
incorrectly) the stay of the Lango bards in Pannonia as forty- 
two years, also the date of their emigration as the second of 
April ; the fact that Easter fell upon the first of April in the 
year 568 is correctly reckoned up by Paul himself (II, 7). 
The mention of the year of our Lord probably comes frcm 
another source , perhaps Secundus. 

The account of Alboin's murder in Verona (II, 28) is trace- 
able in some features to the Origo, but Paul relates in detail 
the adultery of Rosemund on which the Origo is silent but 
which the Langobard chronicle of the year 641 confirms. 
Whence Paul got his account can scarcely be determined 
(Jacobi, 22). The statement of Helmechis" vain attempt to 
obtain the crown, his flight with Rosemund, Albsuinda and 
the royal treasure to Ravenna, and the fate which there over- 
took the conspirators (II, 29) were taken by Paul from the 
Origo, also the statement that Albsuinda was sent to Constan- 
tinople with the treasure (II, 30). We next meet with the 
Origo in the execution of the rebellious dukes Mimulf (IV, 3), 

1 It states ' ' At this time when the Langobards began to go out 
of Pannonia, the Avars then made an agreement and treaty of 
friendship with those Langobards and a document of writing, that 
up to two hundred years if they should again seek Pannonia, they 
(the Avars) would relinquish to their side that land without any 
wars of contest and would be ready for their assistance in Italy to 
which they had set out, up to full two hundred years (M. G. LL., 
IV, p. 644). 


Zangrulf and Gaidulf (IV; 13), but the repeated rebellions of 
the latter, Paul took from another source. He appears to have 
inserted from the Origo the statement that Guiiduald was duke 
of Asti (IV, 40), as well as the account of the conquests of 
Rothari (IV, 45) and his victory at the Scultenna. 

The foregoing is Jacobi's opinion as to the use of the Origo. 

According to Mommsen's view (Neues Archiv, V, 58) Paul 
had before him a source that was far more copious, and from 
the condensed Origo as we have it and Paul's narrative taken 
together, there can be formed a combination nearer the orig- 
inal than either. 1 Even in Paul's time there were manuscripts 
of the laws of the Langobards which did not contain the Origo, 
and of the numerous ones which have come down to us only 
three, all of the loth and nth century, have the Origo, and 
that in different forms, besides the Chronicon Gothanum from 
a single manuscript of the nth century, with still greater var- 
iations ; Mommsen therefore considers it probable that at a 
later time this historical introduction to Rothari's laws, where 
not omitted , was adopted only in abbreviated form (p. 5 9 ) . He 
adds that the Chronicon Gothanum contains certain statements 
not found in the other three manuscripts, but which certainly 
belong to the original, and some of which are also found in 
Paul. Among these is the statement that when the Lango- 
bards, before their emigration from Pannonia, turned over all 
their territory to the Avars , the latter agreed to evacuate it if 
the Langobards should be driven from Italy (I, 27 ; II, 7), 
and that no other explanation is possible , except that the Origo 
omitted this account. Mommsen here compares the opening 

1 Bethmann also says the Chronicon Gothanum sometimes con- 
tains matters lacking in the Origo but which are found in Paul 
who did not use the Chronicon Gothanum, and that these things 
must have existed in the common source of both the Origo and 
Chronicon Gothanum (p. 364). 


statements of the Origo with Paul (I, 2 and 3) and adds (p. 
63) that the account of the over-population of ^cadinavia, the 
division of its inhabitants into three parts and the emigration 
of one-third is found only with Paul, although its saga-like 
form indicates that it is borrowed from the Origo in which the 
abbreviated words "among these (inter quos} was a small 
people that was called the Winnilis " represent this account. 
The remark of Paul, that besides over-population other causes 
of their emigration are also asserted, points to the fact that the 
complete Origo added something further, perhaps of floods or 
failure of crops or similar afflictions. 1 

Mommsen (p. 64) here compares the accounts in the Origo 
and in Paul regarding the origin of the name of the Lango- 
bards and the victory given to the Winnili by Wo tan. He 
notes (p. 65) that Scoringa is mentioned only by Pau", and 
that in the Origo no place is assigned to the battle, and he 
adds ; ' ' That this is the result of an abbreviation appears 
clearly from the expression which follows, 'And the Lango- 
bards moved thence and came into Golaida,' while no place is 
mentioned previously except Scadanan, and the word ' thence ' 
is therefore without relation to anything which precedes. The 
account of the famine (p. 66) is found only in Paul ; also the 
opposition of the Assipitti, the story of the men with the dogs' 
heads, of the duel of the Langobard slave with the champion 
of the Assipitti, of emancipation by the arrow, and finally of 
the immigration into Mauringa. For none of these legends is 
there any statement which explains their origin , and Mommsen 
insists that they fit excellently into the Origo. He adds : 

1 May not the reason given in the Chronicon Gothanum (M. G. 
LL., IV, 641), that "the people were moved, not by necessity or 
hardness of heart, or oppression of the poor, but that they should 
attain salvation from on high," be one of the causes to which 
Paul refers (Schmidt Neues Archiv, XIII, 392, note i)? 


" With the emigration into Golaida both the accounts again 
come together. The Origo says : And the Langobards moved 
thence and came into Golaida, and afterwards they possessed 
the aldionates of Anthaib and Bainaib, and also Burgundaib.' 
Paul says (I, 13) : 'Then the Langobards went forth from 
Mauringa and arrived in Golanda, where, having remained 
some time, they are afterwards said to have possessed for some 
years Anthab, Banthab and also Vurgundaib, which we can 
consider are names of districts (cantons) or of some kinds of 
places.' Here it appears clearly that the Origo is abbrevi- 
ated ; that the four oldest abodes of the Langobards, Scadina- 
via, Scoringa, Mauringa and Golanda, belong to a connected 
legend will hardly be contested, but as the Origo now stands, 
the Winniles come from Scadanan to Golaida, and of their four 
abodes the second and third are lacking, although in the word 
' thence ' the trace of an intermediate station is seen " (p. 67). 

"The account (p. 68) of the ignoble birth of the second 
king Lamissio * * * is lacking in the Origo, but Beth- 
mann says, incorrectly (Waitz, note i, 15), that it contra- 
dicts the Origo. The words ' of the race of Gugingus ' which 
are added both in the Origo and Paul to the name of the first 
king (Agelmund) are added to that of the second (Lamissio) 
only in one edition of the Origo, 1 and are a palpable interpo- 
lation, since the name of the family is not given in the case of 
any later king, and in the list of kings incorporated in Rothari's 
laws the family name is affixed only in the case of the first king." 

Mommsen (p. 71 ) observes that in the account of Rosemund 
and Alboin the condensation in the Origo is again evident, 
that it is improbable that a story-teller who reports with such 
particularity how Frea turned around her husband's bed should 
have left out of the Rosemund story the goblet made of the 

1 That of the La Cava and Madrid MSS. which are closely 
allied. They are omitted in the Modena MS, 


king's skull, but that with epitomizers everything is possible, 
and not the least to leave out the point of the s ( tory. " It is 
not clear," he adds, " how the roles in this tragedy were dis- 
tributed. According to the Origo, Alboin was killed by Rose- 
mund and Helmechis by the counsel of Peredeo. According 
to Paul, Helmechis, the armor- bearer of the king, procures 
Peredeo as an unwilling confederate, and it is then said, 
'According to the counsel of Peredeo, she, more cruel than 
any beast, introduced the murderer Helmechis.' ' 

' ' It looks as if Paul had not properly understood his copy , 
for which the latter was in fault, and therefore wrote something 
that makes no clear sense." ' 

Mommsen thus continues (p. 72). " Waitz adopts for 
the Langobardic sections of Paul's history a triple source ; 
first, the Origo ; second, another narrative which related divers 
matters concerning the abodes and migration of that people, 
(the contradictions between which two sources Paul either does 
not notice or has not considered worthy of regard) , and finally 
the writing of Secundus concerning the acts of the Langobards. 
That the first two sources are rather to be combined into one 
has been shown in the previous argument. Of contradictions 
I see simply nothing, since the discrepancies in regard to the 
origin of Lamissio and the murder of Alboin depend respec- 
tively upon a mistake of the text and an erroneous interpreta- 
tion ; but the harmonizing of both versions appears to me easy 
and natural." 

" It is quite different with the writing of Secundus of Trent. 
Paul mentions this work twice (III, 29; IV, 40) under the 
title 'The Acts of the Langobards.' A series of statements 

1 Does it not rather look as if he took his account from two con- 
tradictory sources which he tried to reconcile in his usual incon- 
clusive way just as he made Odoacar king of part of the Rugians 
(I, 19) at a time when he was fighting against the Rugians ? 


can be traced with complete certainty to this authority, partly 
on account of personal references and partly on account of 
the places where they occurred. This has often been done , and 
was done in a satisfactory way by Jacobi (p. 65 et seq.). * 
* * If it is to be accepted with good reason that the historical 
accounts in Paul for the time before 6 1 2 , so far as they depend 
upon a Langobard source , ought to be traced to Secundus , it 
appears all the more difficult to determine the relation of 
Secundus to the Origo. It is pure caprice to attribute with 
Jacobi the accounts which bear a legendary character to the 
Origo and contemporaneous statements to Secundus. It is a 
peculiarity of the earlier Langobard history to mingle truth and 
poetry indistinguishably even in matters which are not properly 
legendary, as in the case of Rosemund's crime and Authari's 
wooing. On the one hand the Origo included the later times 
of Langobard history, and on the other, the title of Secundus * 
book is opposed to the idea that he wrote only the history of 
his own time (p. 73). * * * Besides, in the occurences 
under Agilulf (A. D. 590 to 616) which properly fall in the 
time of Secundus, the close relationship between the Origo and 
Paul is still preserved. Moreover, the early Langobard tradi- 
tion in Paul has a homogeneous character and there is scarcely 
room in it for more than one authority." 

" There is only one way out of this embarrassment, but noth- 
ing hinders us from taking it. Is it not evident that the Origo 
Gentis Langobardorum is nothing but an extract from the 
writing of Secundus of Trent furnished with a short continua- 
tion? Then everything explains itself simply. The Origo 
was prefixed as an historical introduction to the laws of the 
Langobards, possibly upon their issue in 643, or probably in 
668. How should the man who did this have been ignorant 
of the chronicle of Secundus of Trent which had been brought 
down to 612? Nothing is more probable than that Secundus 
was used for this purpose and that the editor limited himself 


to continuing it up to the time he wrote. That Paul cited the 
book as the Prologue of the Edict of king Rothari, according 
to its official position, when he wanted to defend himself 
against the reproach of the falsification of history and that he 
elsewhere called it the ' Acts of the Langobards " of Secundus 
is not opposed to this (?). Once admit that the historical 
work was a component part of the book of laws as Paul at 
least considered it, and nothing can be objected to both these 
designations (p. 74)." 

Schmidt (Neues Archiv, 13, p. 391) supports Mommsen's 
contention that the copy of the Origo from which Paul took 
his extracts was more extensive than the manuscripts which 
have come down to us. He remarks that as Paul dicl not find 
the account of the subjugation of the Suevi by king Waccho in 
all his copies, abbreviated editions must have been before him, 
and the statements in Paul's history which are not in our pres- 
ent texts of the Origo must be traced to some earlier and 
fuller edition of that work. 1 (p. 392 et seq.~) 

But Schmidt considers Mommsen's view, that this original 
Origo was identical with Secundus, as not tenable and believes 
with Jacobi that the latter work was more in the nature of an- 
nals (p. 394). Ebertalso (Litteratur des Mittelalters, II, 46, 
note i ) insists that the book from which Mommsen declares 
Paul had taken so much, could not be the "succinct little 
history " which Paul described in book IV, chapter 40. 

VVaitz (Neues Archiv, Vol. V, page 421) thus answers 
Mommsen's contention : " For myself I can in no way con- 
sider probable the view that the so-called Origo, the Chronicon 
Gothanum and Paul have drawn from a common source, and 

'The totally varying statements of the time of Agilulf s reign, 
six years according to the Origo and twenty-five, according to Paul 
are due to the great corruption of the manuscripts in this place 
(compare the various readings in Waitz's ed.). 


that their contents are to be traced back in great part to the 
lost book of Secundus. I will never convince myself that Paul 
has cited the same work at one time, as ' The Acts of the 
Lango bards,' of this author and at another time as a prologue 
to an edict. * * * I also see no ground whatever to con- 
sider the Origo an extract from a greater work, an extract 
which according to Mommsen's view must have simply omitted 
important occasions in the History of the Langobards. In the 
words which are introduced as a proof or mark of the abbre- 
viation, 'And the Langobards moved thence,' the word 
1 thence ' relates to Scadinavia or Scadanan. The Origo 
gives us the tradition in regard to the naming of the Lango- 
bards in naive originality. It lets the people receive their 
name in the place where their first home was, and it inquires 
little whether there were Wandals there or not. I can only 
consider it one of the arbitrary combinations of Paul when 
he puts the story during the emigration to the land of 
Scoringa. * * * 

" Mommsen seeks to remove a contradiction between the 
statement of the Origo regarding the ancestry of Laiamicho 
and the detailed narrative given by Paul of the birth of Lam- 
issio, as the king is here called, by removing the words ' from 
the race of Gugingus ' with one manuscript out of the text. 
But this manuscript (p. 423), or as Mommsen writes it, this 
recension is troubled with mistakes of all kinds, and it must 
appear unjustified to give it the preference in one place where 
it seems to fit. The same words are also left out in the manu- 
script immediately before , with reference to Agelmund , and 
only later are restored to the margin, which can easily have 
been forgotten the second time. We cannot therefore speak 
here of an erroneous text." 

As to Paul's mistaken interpretation of the account of 
Alboin's murder, which Mommsen thinks is due to the fault in 
the source from which he took the account, Waitz remarks ; 


' ' It constantly appears to me , on the other hand , that he has 
transcribed his copy, especially in the Origo, only too faith- 
fully, 1 without remarking that the detailed narrative which he 
previously followed, divides the roles otherwise assigns the 
advice to Helmechis and the act to Peredeo." 

An interesting light is now thrown upon this discussion by 
the skillful efforts of Bruckner and others to trace the Origo 
to a Langobard epic song. Bruckner (Sprache der Lango- 
barden, p. 17 et seg.) observes that although no remnant oi 
Langobard poetry has come down to us in its original form , 
yet there is evidence that such poetry existed, and certain 
features in the Origo as preserved in the Latin language indi- 
cate that its statements were taken at least in part from a 
Langobard poem. In the first place, the word farigaidusj 
" without posterity," is a sure proof that the author made use 
of a German source. In the next place, the alliteration in the 
first chapters which was noticed by Mullenhoff (Beowulf, 101 ) , 
Schmidt (p. 16) and Koegel (I, 107) is made apparent by 
the re -translation into Old-German of portions of the first four 
chapters. Bruckner accordingly gives a number of such re- 
translations, showing alliteration. His view was contested by 
Much (Getting gel. Anzeiger, 1896, p. 892) and also by 
Kraus (Zeitschrift fiir die osterreichischen Gymnasien, 1896, 
Vol. 47, pp. 313, 314) who showed the objections to such re- 
translations and claimed that alliterative proper names did 
not prove that a song was the immediate source from which 

1 Paul (II, 28), " Rosemund * * * * according to the advice 
of Peredeo brought in the murderer Helmichis." Origo, "He 
was killed in Verona in the palace by Hilmichis and Rosemund 
his wife upon the advice of Peritheo. ' ' 

1 Or fargaetum as the Chronicon Gothanum has it. Beth- 
mann considers this word related to the modern German vcrgcsscn, 
"forgotten" (M. G., Script. Rerum Langob., p. 4), and thinks it 
is a mere author's note of something forgotten. 


the Latin account was taken. By way of illustration Kraus 
translated into German a passage taken haphazard from Livy, 
and the translation certainly showed a goodly number of allit- 
erative words. Kraus therefore insisted that the traces of 
alliteration must be much more numerous and evident than 
those given by Bruckner to exclude the suspicion of accident. 
Bruckner then , in an article in the ' ' Zeitschrif t fur deutsches 
Alterthum (vol. 43, part I, p. 47), answers these criticisms. 
- He. treats the Qrigo, not as a whole, but in single parts sep*- 
arated from each. other (p. 48). The first chapter tells how 
the Wancals and Winnili encounter each other ready for battle ; 
how Frea interferes in a cunning manner in favor of the Win- 
nili, and how Wo tan then gave to them the name of Lango- 
bards, and the victory over their enemies. "It is hard to 
see ' ' says Bruckner ' ' how the legend of the origin of this 
people, in which myth and history appear closely united, could 
have been transmitted to subsequent generations otherwise 
than in an epic song. Original nationality expresses itself 
in the whole delightful and simple narrative. Learned acces- 
sories are wholly absent. We have in this first chapter an old 
saga of the people in unadulterated form. * * * The con- 
duct of Frea toward Godan reminds one of that of Hera to- 
ward Zeus as described in the Iliad 1 (Book 14, line 153). 
In the songs of the Edda similar contrivances are related of 
the gods. * * * 

' ' The account of the Origo shows the essential character- 
istics of an epic song. The action is related in a concise but 
powerful manner, mostly in the shape of a dialogue, and al- 

1 After the Trojans under the guidance of Zeus had attacked the 
Greeks by their swift ships, and were defeating them, Hera bor- 
rowed the girdle of Aphrodite, secured the aid of Sleep, and be- 
guiled Zeus into a deep slumber, whereupon the Greeks, aided by 
Poseidon, defeated the Trojans and drove them back. 


though the account is relatively a short one , the repetitions 
characteristic of epic poetry are not lacking. For example, 
4 Then the leaders of the Wandals, Ambri and Assi moved' 
and shortly afterwards * Then Ambri and Assi, that is the 
leaders of the Wandals.' Again 'They besought Frea, the 
wife of Godan ' and a few lines later ' Frea the wife of Godan 
turned the bed around.' It corresponds moreover with the 
epic style that the counsel which Frea gives the Winniles and 
its results are related with the same expressions almost word 
for word. ' Then Frea gave the advice that when the sun rose 
the Winniles should come, and that their women, with their hair 
letdown around the face, etc.' and again, ' And he (Godan), 
looking upon them, saw the Winniles and their women with 
their hair let down around the face.' According to the 
custom of epic poetry of seizing only the principal events of 
the action, the carrying out of this counsel on the part of the 
Winniles is not related of itself, but after the advice is given 
them it is straightway shown how Godan sees them, together 
with their women, on awakening." * * * 

" In the Origo, on account of the simple mode of presenta- 
tion, the traces of alliteration are so clear and extensive as to 
exclude the possibility that they are due to accident. One 
peculiarity, which shows an original composition in verse, is 
that the action moves in strikingly short sentences or in sharply 
marked divisions of sentences which correspond in length to 
a half verse. This circumstance is all the more important 
when the different character of the construction of sentences 
in Latin is considered, and this division of verse results natur- 
ally and without any effort to produce it." 

Bruckner now attempts the work of reconstructing the Origo 
in the form of a German song. He makes no effort to use 
any conjectural inflected forms, but puts the substantive in the 
nominative and the verb in the infinitive , and thus reconstructs 
metrically the greater part of the first chapter. There are a 


few passages that cannot be reproduced in alliterative verse if 
no change is made , and some of his proposed translations may 
be questioned, but he insists there is enough remaining to 
show the epic origin of the Origo. The following extract, 
beginning at the second sentence of the Origo (where the 
poem probably commenced) shows this effort of reproduction : 

werod Winnilis 

" There was a small people that was called Winnilis, 
And with them was a woman, Gambara by name, and she had 

two sons. 

Ibor Agio 

Ibor was the name of one and Agio the name of the other. 
They with their mother, Gambara by name, 

giwald ffinniles arwegan 

Held the sovereignty over the Winniles. Moved then 

erl (or adaling) Ambri Assi 

The leaders of the Wandals, that is, Ambri and Assi, 

werod Winniles 

With their army and said to the Winniles, 

gamban geldan garuuian 
Either pay tributes or prepare yourselves 

wig winnan. 

For battle and fight with us. 

anduuordian Ibor Agio 
Then answered Ibor and Agio, 
With their mother Gambara, 

bazzira badu 

It is better for us to make ready the battle 
gamban geldan gairewandilum 
Than to pay tributes to the Wandals. 

Ambri Assi erl (adaling) 

Then Ambri and Assi, that is, the leaders of the Wandals, 

Wodan ' Winniles 

Asked Wodan that over the Winniles 

1 The Godan of the Latin text is probably a corruption of Wotan 
or Wodan (see Paul I, 9). 


saljan sigu 

He should give them the victory. 
Wodan wordun sprak 

Wodan answered and said, 

sunna upstigan air sehan 
Whom at sunrise I shall first see, 

salgan sigu 

To them will I give the victory. 
At that time Gambara with her two sons, 

Ibor Agio adaling or erl 

That is, Ibor and Agio, who were chiefs over the Winniles, 

Frea fri 
Besought Frea, the wife of Wodan, 

wegon ? (Old-High-German) Winniles 
To be propitious to the Winniles. 

rad urrisan 

Then Frea gave counsel that at sunrise 

Winniles wib 

The Winniles should come, and that their women, 

har hleor 

With their hair let down around the face 
gifcnissie liudweros (?) 

In the likeness of a beard, should come also with their husbands. 

suigli (?) sunna 

Then when it became bright, while the sun was rising, 
Frea fri 

Frea, the wife of Wodan, turned around 
The bed where her husband was lying 

andwlita austar 

And put his face toward the east 

wakjan wlitan 

And awakened him, and he, looking at them, 

Winniles wib 

Saw the Winniles and their women 

har hleor 

Having their hair let down around the face, 


And he says, ' Who are these long-beards ?' 

wordun sprak Wodan 
And Frea said to Wodan, 

saljan sigu 

As thou hast given a name, give them also the victory." 1 

In the concluding passage "And he gave them the victory 
so that they should defend themselves according to his counsel 
and obtain the victory. From that time the Winnili were 
called Langobards " there are also traces of alliteration, but 
there is evidently a defect in the translation or a change from 
the original form , and there is some contradiction between the 

The next chapter, which tells of the emigration of the Lan- 
gobards, the election of their king, and the succession of the 
two subsequent kings, also contains national traditions, and in 
like manner the elements of alliterative verse appear in it, as 
well as in the third chapter, describing the fight between king 
Odoacar and the Rugians and the settlement of the Langobards 
in Rugiland. The same is true of the earlier parts of Chapter 
IV. In this chapter the battle between Tato and Rodolf , king 
of the Heroli, is described. In Paul's History of the Lango- 
bards (I, 20) we are told: "Tato indeed carried off the 
banner of Rodolf, which they call bandum, and his helmet 
which he. had been accustomed to bear in war." Bruckner 
believes (p. 55) that the redundant clause, " Which he had 
been accustomed to bear in war," can only be explained as a 

1 It will be noted that four out of the six lines in the foregoing, 
which it is impossible to render into alliterative German, are those 
relating to Gambara, so that a single interpolation or defect in the 
translation into Latin might account for them all. Every one of 
these four lines might be omitted, and scarcely any change would 
be required in the rest of the poem. May it not be that the state- 
ments concerning Gambara came from another source ? 


translation of a German composite word ; that the combat be- 
tween the Langobards and the Heroli was ( celebrated in a 
German song, and that the traces of this song appear in what 
precedes and follows. 1 

In the latter part of the fourth chapter, however (Bruckner, 
p. 57), the traces of alliteration begin to disappear at the pas- 
sage, * And Wacho fought and Ildichis, the son of Tato, fought 
and Ildichis fled to the Gippidi where he died, etc." The 
rest of chapter IV shows few recognizable traces of alliterative 
song. The account of the three wives of Wacho and his var- 
ious children evidently comes from another source. Only three 
lines (describing Wacho's death, that his son Waltari reigned 
seven years, and that these were Lethinges) are alliterative. 
After these Bruckner finds no traces of a poetic source and 
considers that this part of the Origo is rather historical than 
traditional, that it shows a style quite different from the first 
part, with more involved construction and indirect quotations, 
and the impossibility of turning it into alliterative verse seems 
to him to show all the more clearly that the first part of the 
poem, which can be so easily done into such verse, has a poet- 
ical origin. 

It appears to the present translator that Bruckner has made 
out his case , and that in his reconstruction of these alliterative 
verses he has shown the strongest probability of the epic origin 
of the first part of the Origo. 

In regard to the general question as to the source from 
which Paul derived his account, Bruckner in this article (p. 
47) follows the opinion of Waitz, and whereas Mommsen sees 

1 If this is so it would seem to indicate since the phrase, 
' ' which he had been accustomed to bear in war ' ' does not appear 
in the Origo that Paul had taken his account from some different 
(perhaps more extended) version which had also for its source an 
epic poem. 


no contradiction between Paul and the Origo, Bruckner con- 
siders that Paul's account varies so widely from it that even a 
common source cannot be inferred ! 

In the presence of such divergent views, it is hazardous for 
the editor to venture an opinion. It seems to him, however, 
that Waitz and Bruckner have effectually refuted Mommsen's 
contention that Paul drew his account from a single and more 
extensive Origo contained in the lost historical work of 
Secundus. Paul's own statement (I, 21) shows that he con- 
sulted, not only one, but several manuscripts in regard to the 
early history of his people. He would hardly have given two 
different titles to the single work of Secundus. The fact that 
the Origo came originally from an epic poem makes it im- 
probable that an historical work should have been the single 
source from which it was derived. It is more than likely that 
one or more of the manuscripts Paul consulted were similar in 
scope and phraseology to the Origo as we have it, and that he 
made extracts therefrom almost word for word. 1 

Waitz 's contention that there were three sources : first, the 
Origo as we have it, second, some other account not known 
to us, and third, Secundus of Trent, seems highly probable. 
This second source, however, may well have been a more ex- 
tended version of the Origo than that preserved in the three 
manuscripts of Madrid, LaCava and Modena. The evidence 
of abbreviation in these manuscripts as set forth by Mommsen 
and Schmidt as well as Jacobi, 2 is quite strong. 

The fact that the Origo was taken in part from an epic 
poem does not conflict with this view. Upon the whole, 

1 Bluhme in his preface to the Laws of the Langobards (Mon. 
Germ. Hist. LL, IV, cxii, sec. x) states that the Madrid and 
LaCava MSS. came from Benevento. If so, their prototypes were 
probably accessible to Paul. 

2 See also Bethmann, 364. 


Waitz's opinion appears to the editor to be sound, with the 
understanding that the " other source " he speaks of may 
well have been another version of the Origo 'in a greatly ex- 
tended and somewhat altered form. 

2 . The Acts of the Langobards by Secundus of Trent. 
In the foregoing discussion mention has been made of the lost 
work of Secundus of Trent. 1 Paul twice mentions this work as 
one of his authorities (III, 29 ; IV, 40), and he also speaks of 
Secundus as godfather on the occasion of the baptism of Ada- 
loald (IV, 27). Secundus is also mentioned several times in 
the letters of Pope Gregory the Great; in January, 596, he is 
deacon to archbishop Marinianus of Ravenna (Jacobi, 63 ; 
Gregory's Epistles, VI, 24). In April of the same year Greg- 
ory writes to Secundus at Ravenna (Epistles, VI, 30) to has- 
ten the conclusion of the peace with Agilulf ; in April, 599, 
Gregory again writes to him (Epistles, II, 52) to allay his 
doubts in regard to the synod of Chalcedon. In 603 Secundus 
appears (from Gregory's letter to queen Theudelinda) to have 
been at the Langobard court. He was then an abbot. Secun- 
dus' work was a " History of the Acts of the Langobards " 
(P., IV, 40), and was brought down to 612. It is harder to 
say when it began. In determining what Paul took from it, 
the fact that Secundus came from Trent is important, and the 
local accounts in Paul's history relating to Trent must be 
ascribed to this source. These statements are quite numerous. 
First, Paul mentions (III, 9) the taking of Anagnis above 
Trent by the Franks, the defeat of count Ragilo of Lagaris, 
the victory of duke Euin of Trent at Salurn, his marriage 
(III, 10) with a daughter of duke Garibald of Bavaria, his 
command of the expedition to Istria (III, 27), the irruption 
of the Franks into Italy in 590 (III, 31) where Paul supple- 

' The statements regarding Secundus are taken almost exclu- 
sively from Jacobi, pp. 63-84. 


ments the account of Gregory of Tours by statements from 
Secundus, the embassy of bishop Agnellus to Gaul to secure 
the liberation of prisoners, the peace concluded by duke Euin 
(IV, i); the drought, famine and plague of grasshoppers 
(IV, 2); the death of duke Euin; the appointment of his 
successor Gaidoald (IV, 10) ; the insurrection of the latter 
against Agilulf and his subsequent reconciliation, and the men- 
tion of Secundus as godfather to Adaloald (IV, 27). 

That Secundus had close relations to queen Theudelinda and 
the Langobard court brings us to a second class of questions 
we can trace to his lost work, namely those which relate to 
this court (Jacobi, 67), such as Agilulf 's elevation to the 
throne (III, 35) and the punishment of the rebellious dukes 
Mimulf , Gaidulf and Ulfari 1 (IV, 3). Probably the statement 
that pope Gregory the Great sent a copy of his Dialogues to 
queen Theudelinda (IV, 5) comes from Secundus since no 
hint of this is found in Gregory's letters. Jacobi doubts (p. 
67) whether what Paul says of Agilulf 's and Theudelinda's 
attitude to the Catholic church (IV, 6) can be traced to 
Secundus, as the latter would hardly have designated the Lan- 
gobards as heathens at the time of their invasion and it is 
doubtful whether Agilulf held the Catholic faith ; but it would 
seem quite as likely that in this Paul copied Secundus' errors 
as that he interpolated statements of his own. We can 
attribute to Secundus what Paul says of the appointment of 
Tassilo as duke or king in Bavaria by Childepert ; of Tassilo's 
victory over the Slavs (IV, 7) ; of the overthrow of the Bava- 
rians in 595 by the Cagan (IV, 10); of the succession of 
Garibald (IV, 39) after Tassilo's death and his wars waged 
with the Slavs. Through queen Theudelinda and duke Euin's 
wife, a connection existed with Bavaria (Jacobi 68). Paul 

1 The Origo mentions the two first but says nothing of Mimulf s 
desertion to the Franks, and Paul here follows the completer source. 


relates (IV, 8) from the Liber Pontificalis the attack by the 
exarch Romanus upon various cities possessed by the Lango- 
bards, but he adds apparently from Secundus that Agilulf cap- 
tured Perugia and executed the traitorous duke of that city. 
Paul's statement of the appearance of a comet in January 
following ; of the death of archbishop John of Ravenna and 
the installment of his successor Marianus ; of the introduction 
of wild horses and buffaloes into Italy ; of the death of duke 
Euin ; the defeat of the Bavarians ; (IV, 10) the coming of an 
embassy from the Cagan ; the peace with him and with Galli- 
cinus and Theodoric II (IV, 12) all point to Agilulf 's court 
and to Secundus. The account of this execution of dukes 
Zangrulf and Gaidulf may be traceable either to Secundus or 
to the Origo, but the punishment of duke Warnecautius comes 
from Secundus (IV, 13) as well as the ravages of the plague 
in Ravenna and in Verona (IV, 14 ; the capture of duke Go- 
descalc of Parma and his wife, king Agilulf 's daughter by the 
exarch; the sending of ship-builders to the Cagan (IV, 20), 
and perhaps the consecration of the church of St. John in 
Monza (IV, 21), though Paul probably knew personally that 
queen Theudelinda has built a palace there (IV, 22) since he 
described the pictures in it. The capture and destruction of 
Padua can more certainly be traced to Secundus (IV, 23), 
also the statement that Agilulf 's ambassadors to the Cagan re- 
turned with the ambassador of the Avars who proceeded to 
Gaul to make peace between the Langobards and Franks, and 
the statement that an army of Langobards and Avars with 
Slavs invaded Istria (IV, 24). Adaloald's birth; the attack 
upon Monselice ; the return of Smaragdus (IV, 25); the 
campaign against the exarch for the liberation of the king's 
daughter and her death (IV, 28) ; the cold winter and failure 
of crops following the death of pope Gregory (IV, 29) ; the 
coronation of Adaloald (IV, 30) ; the death by lightning of 
the choir- leader Peter (IV, 31); the truces between Agilulf 


and Smaragdus ; the comet (IV, 32) ; the sending of Agilulf s 
notary to the emperor Phocas, and the securing of an annual 
truce (IV, 35), are all probably derived from Secundus, but 
Jacobi (p. 71) thinks there is more doubt as to the account of 
the irruption of the Avars into Friuli and the treason of the 
duchess Romilda since that account was legendary (IV, 37) 
and the indefinite expression ' ' about these times ' ' points to 
the use of another source. The account of the transactions 
in Bavaria (IV, 39) ; the annual peace of Agilulf with the em- 
peror and the renewal of the same ; the peace with the Franks ; 
the irruption of the Slavs into Istria (IV, 40) ; appear to be 
taken from Secundus. Then follows the statement of Secun- 
dus' death (id). 

In considering the character of Secundus' work, Jacobi be- 
lieves (p. 72) that when Paul says (IV, 40) that Secundus 
wrote a short history of the acts of the Langobards up to his own 
time/this means that Secundus wrote a contemporary history, 
and that his work was in the nature of a chronicle or a series 
of annals. Paul generally follows his sources nearly word for 
word, and the participial construction and the frequent use of 
the perfect tense and the passive voice, the introduction of 
sentences taken from Secundus by the phrases "in this year," 
"at this time," "in the following year," "in the following 
month," and the mention of natural phenomena, point to the 
fact that Secundus wrote in the manner of the chroniclers of 
his time. Jacobi therefore thinks (p. 72) that he probably 
began with the conquest of Italy in 568. 

Secundus stated that the patriarch Paul fled from Aquileia 
from the Langobards to Grado (II, 10) and that that winter 
there was a great fall of snow, followed by abundant harvests. 
The catalogue of the patriarchs down to Severus in Aquileia 
and Epiphanius in Grado (IV, 33), Jacobi believes (p. 73) is 
traceable to Secundus. 1 Perhaps Paul's statement (III, 20) 

1 Cipolla, after collating and discussing the various sources now 


that Gregory was the author of the letter sent by Pope Pela- 
gius II to the patriarch Elias is traceable to Secundus ; 1 also 
the account (III, 26) of the forcible kidnapping of Severus 
and other bishops by Smaragdus, their return to Grado and 
their retraction at the Synod of Marano, since Agnellus of 
Trent was one of the bishops who took part in this synod. 
Paul may have made use of some document besides, but more 
likely this was done by Secundus. 2 Alboin's meeting with 
bishop Felix of Treviso (II, 12) ; the conquest of Venetia 
(II, 14) ; the king's entrance into Milan on September 5th, 
569 ; the conquest of Liguria up to the coast cities ; the flight 
of archbishop Honoratus to Ravenna (II, 25), are traceable 
in like manner to Secundus (Jacobi, 74). 

Paul's account of the conquest of Ticinum by Alboin (II, 
26) may come from Secundus or from the Origo. The Origo 
says that the city was beseiged for three years, and to judge 

accessible upon this point (Atti del Congresso in Cividale, 1899, 
pp. 135-140), concludes that Paul used a catalogue then existing 
in his own city of Cividale which was substantially the same as the 
one used by the See of Grado, and contained, besides the years of 
the pontificate of each patriarch, certain brief historical statements. 
Paul's omission of the patriarchate of Marcianus, however, which 
is contained in the Chronicle of the Patriarchs of Aquileia and in 
the Chronicle of Altino, makes it probable that he relied upon 
some secondary source. 

1 Cipolla (Atti, etc., pp. 143-144) thinks Paul found this letter 
among some documents at Cividale, but did not read or under- 
stand it, since he gave it the wrong interpretation. It would seem 
more probable that he took his statements wholly from some other 

1 Cipolla believes, however (Atti, etc., p. 144), that the matters 
relating to Severus were taken from the acts of the schismatic 
Synod of Marano, and that Paul was ignorant of the fact that 
Gregory regarded Severus as the head of the schism. 


from the Chronicon Gothanum it mentioned also the capture 
of Milan and other cities. The mention of the failure of crops 
in the second year of the siege points to Secundus, so that 
Paul here very likely fused together different statements. 
Other legendary accounts were also accessible to Paul as is 
shown by his story (II, 27) of Alboin's entry into Pavia. 

What Paul states about the murder of Alboin is traceable to 
other sources, but what he tells of the reign and death of Cleph 
(II, 31) may be taken from Secundus. 

The statement (II, 32) regarding the time of the interreg- 
num, which Paul, differing from other sources, fixes at ten 
years, as well as that which gives the number of the dukes, 
and tells of the distribution of the Romans among the Lango- 
bards are traceable to Secundus. Also the account of Authari's 
elevation to the throne (III, 16) and that he took the name 
of Flavius, but Jacobi (p. 75) does not attribute to this histor- 
ian the statement that the dukes relinquished half their pos- 
sessions to the king, and Pabst (Forsch., II, 425, n. 2) 
regards as wholly legendary what Paul relates of the Golden 
Age under Authari. With greater certainty we can determine 
that Secundus mentioned the conquest of Brexillum ; the three 
years' truce with Smaragdus (III, 18) ; the floods in Liguria 
and Venetia ; the damage to the walls of Verona ; the great 
thunder storm ; the fire in Verona (III, 23), and Paul com- 
pleted his account from Gregory the Great and Gregory of 
Tours (Jacobi, 76). Paul's account of Authari's wooing (III, 
30), however, seems to Jacobi legendary (p. 76). Only two 
places in it show by the form of their narrative that they have 
proceeded from historical sources ; the account of the murder 
of Ansul (III, 30) at Verona and the statement of the date 
and place of the marriage of Authari and Theudelinda. These 
point to the use of a source like Secundus. Jacobi thinks that 
what Paul says of the flight of Theudelinda from Bavaria is 
legendary , since queen Theudelinda has her coming announced 



and the Prankish sources are silent. Paul knew from the 
Origo that Gundoald came to Italy with his sister Theudelinda. 

Jacobi (p. 77) traces the date of Authari's death (III, 35) 
and the suspicion that he had been poisoned, to Secundus and 
believes that in the narrative of Agilulf's choice by Theude- 
linda connected with historical dates , saga and fact are united. 

Jacobi also traces to Secundus (p. 77) the conquest of 
Classis (III, 13) by duke Faroald of Spoleto ;' the accession 
and death of duke Ariulf and the struggles of the sons of Far- 
oald for the succession, which led to the appointment of Theu- 
delapius (IV, 16). What Paul says of Arichis, the successor 
of Zotto of Beneventum (IV, 18) seems to Jacobi (p. 78) to 
come from Secundus, on account of the words, " sent by the 
king Agilulf," though Beneventan sources were certainly ac- 
cessible to Paul, and the first mention of Zotto (III, 33) is 
not derived from the historian of Trent. 

The statements which Paul borrowed from Secundus in re- 
gard to Langobard history are concluded at this point, but 
Secundus hardly confined himself to the special history of his 
own country. At this time the relations between the Frankish 
and Langobard kingdoms were important, and nothing is more 
natural than that Secundus should bring into his work what 
came to his knowledge under this head. The statements con- 
cerning Frankish affairs down to 612 which are not traceable 
to Gregory are probably taken from Secundus, and where Paul 
follows Gregory with variations, we can trace these variations 
(where they are not due to mere carelessness) to Secundus, 
such as the statement in regard to Sigisbert's struggles with the 
Avars in Thuringia and by the Elbe (II, 10 ; Greg., IV, 23). 
Thus Gregory gives as the reason of the unfortunate campaign 

1 The epitaph of Droctulf indeed states this circumstance (III, 
19), but as Paul mentions Faroald as first duke of the people of 
Spoleto (III, 13), another source, probably Secundus, was used. 


of Childepert II against the Langobards in 585, the lack of 
union in their leaders (Greg., VIII, 18), and Paul (III, 22) 
attributes it to the discord between the Alamanni and the 
Franks. It is uncertain whether the account (III, 10) of 
Sigisbert's death is taken from Gregory (IV, 51 ; V, i) or 
Secundus. Since Paul immediately adds a statement about 
Euin of Trent he may have taken it from Secundus. 

Finally, the short accounts (IV, 26) of the fall and over- 
throw of the emperor Maurice by Phocas, as well as the over- 
throw of the latter in 610 and the accession of Heraclius 
(IV, 36) to the throne, appear to be traceable to Secundus. 1 

In the same style in which Paul (IV, 40) , before the state- 
ment of Secundus' death, speaks of the conclusion of a peace 
between the Langobards, the emperor and the Franks, and the 
irruption of the Slavs into Istria, he goes on, after the account 
of Secundus' death, with the statement of a truce between Agi- 
lulf and the emperor and of the death of Theudipert II and of 
duke Gundoald of Asti. The possible sources from which Paul 
had learned the death of Secundus in March, 612, are many, 
but the most probable seems to Jacobi (79) to be that a con- 
tinuer of the chronicle also mentioned the death of the author 
and added the above short statements. 

The foregoing discussion concludes our review of the Lan- 
gobard sources from which Paul derived the statements in his 


We turn now to the last division of this investigation, to 
the ascertainment of the Roman sources which Paul used. 
These were quite numerous, a great number of short and 

1 Ebert (Litteratur des Mittelalters, II, 46, note) believes that 
Jacobi has attributed too much to Secundus, in view of the fact 
that Paul had spoken of his work as " a succinct little history. ' ' 


sometimes unimportant extracts having been made by Paul 
from various Roman authorities. There was, however, a 
very considerable and a very important portion of Paul's his- 
tory which was taken from a source in regard to which 
there is a serious controversy, Mommsen insisting that it 
is derived from a chronicle now lost, and Jacob! and Waitz 
claiming that the bulk of this portion of the history is taken 
from the Liber Pontificalis and Bede, and that only a small 
portion is taken from the lost chronicle. There is also a dis- 
pute as to the source from which Paul derived his Catalogue of 
the Provinces of Italy in the Second Book. We may, there- 
fore , conveniently divide this part of our discussion into three 
divisions. First, Miscellaneous Sources; second, Liber Pon- 
tificalis, Bede, and the Lost Chronicle ; third, the Catalogue of 
the Provinces of Italy. 

(i) Miscellaneous Sources. 

These are set forth by Jacobi in detail, and there is little 
difference of opinion in regard to them. They are Eugippius, 
Gregory the Great, Marcus Casinensis, Venantius Fortunatus, 
Autpert, Life of Columban, the Elder Pliny, Justin, the Cos- 
mographer of Ravenna, Virgil, Donatus, Sextus Aurelius 
Victor, Festus, Isidore, Jordanis, Justinian. These will be 
considered in order. 

Eugippius' 1 ' (Jacobi, 24). Eugippius' biography of St. Sev- 
erinus was used by Paul only once, when he added to the 
account in the Origo of Odoacar's victory over Fewa (I, 19) 
some few statements in regard to the latter, including Fewa's 
other name, Feletheus, and the fact that the saint often ad- 
monished him and his wife Gisa in vain regarding their errors 

'An Italian monk, the pupil of St. Severinus of Noricum, who 
wrote about 5 1 1 a life of the saint, which is an important source 
of early German History. 


and finally prophesied their fate. Also the statement that the 
saint was buried in Naples (Eugipp. Vita. Severini Acta. SS. , 
Jan. 8, I, p. 486 et seq. See chap. I, 3, sec. 15 ; IX, sec. 
39; XI; XII, sec 57). 

Gregory the Great 1 (Jacobi, 24, 25, 26). Paul mentions 
the Dialogues of Gregory the Great on several occasions (I, 
26 ; III, 23 ; IV, 5) and his two poems on St. Benedict are 
based almost entirely on statements made in the second book 
of these Dialogues (See Appendix III). The first thing in 
the historical part of Paul's work traceable to Gregory is the 
mention of those terrible signs which appeared in the northern 
sky like lances and swords, and foretold the irruption of the 
Langobards (p. II, 5 ; Dialog. Ill, 38; I, Homily on the 
Gospels). From Gregory also comes, as our author himself 
states, the account of the flood in Verona (III, 23 ; Dialogue 
III, 19). But since Paul mentions the 1 7th of October as 
the day of the occurrence and speaks of a fire in Verona of 
which Gregory says nothing, he had evidently another source 
at his hand, probably Secundus. Paul also takes (IV, 17) 
from the Dialogues (II, 17) the account of the destruction of 
the cloister of Monte Cassino in 589, which, however, he puts 
at too late a period, about 60 1 (Jacobi, 26). He adds that 
the Rule of the Order written by St. Benedict's own hand was 
rescued and sent to Rome from which it was later re-acquired 
for the newly established cloister (VI, 40). This was prob- 
ably taken from some account at Monte Cassino. Paul names 
in this place (IV, 17) the four abbots who succeeded St. Bene- 

* Gregory I, or St. Gregory, born at Rome about 540, pope from 
590 to 604. He was the author of numerous homilies on Ezekiel 
and the Gospels, of "Morals," " Pastoral care, " "Dialogues," 
' ' Letters, ' ' etc. His letters are of great value as sources of con- 
temporary history. (See note III, 24.) 


diet. Gregory in the prologue to the Second Book of Dia- 
logues mentions the first two. 1 

Paul refers (IV, 8) to Gregory's homilies on Ezekiel where 
he mentions that Gregory was so greatly affected by Agilulf 's 
advance that he had to interrupt his description of the temple. 
Gregory relates this occurrence in the preface of the second 
book of the homilies (Waitz). Paul brings this circumstance 
into connection with the attack by the exarch Romanus in 5 94 
upon several cities, whereupon Agilulf marched against 
Romanus, stormed Perugia and pressed on to Rome (Greg- 
ory's Epistles V, 40). 

Besides the letteis to Agilulf and Theudelinda (IV, 9 ; Ep. 
IX, 42, 43) Paul gives us only one complete letter of Gregory, 
that to duke Arichis of Benevento January 602 (IV, 19 ; Ep. 
XII, 2i),and then, in a characterization of Gregory, he gives 
us a part of a letter to the deacon Savinianus (IV, 29 ; Ep. 
IV, 47 : II). The statement that Gregory is the author of 
the letter to Elias of Aquileia which Pelagius II addressed to 
him on the occasion of the schism is found only in Paul (III, 
20). There appears no mention of it in Gregory's letters. 

Marcus Casinensis (Jacobi, 27). Paul (I, 26) mentions 
the poet Marcus who composed a poem on St. Benedict in 
thirty-three distichs concerning the establishment of the clois- 
ter of Monte Cassino. Paul gives us line 38 (See Muratori 
Script. IV, 605-606). 

Venantius Fortunatus'* (Jacobi, 27, 28). From the poem 
of Venantius Fortunatus on St. Martin of Tours (Book IV, 
verses 640, 700) Paul took the birth place of the poet, the 

1 Paul's account of the destruction of the people of Italy (III, 32) 
" who had grown up like crops " comes from the Dialogues (II, 38). 

2 A Latin poet, bishop of Poictiers, born at Ceneda, Italy, about 
530, died about 600. He was the author of 600 hymns, among 
them the Vexilla rcgis prodeunt. . 


healing of his eyes in the church at Ravenna and his journey 
to Tours (II, 13).' 

Autpert (Jacobi, 28). Paul tells us (VI, 40) that he took 
the account of the establishment of the cloister of St. Vincent 
on the Volturno by the brothers Tato, Taso and Paldo from 
their biographies composed by the abbot Autpert. 1 

Life of St. Columban* (Jacobi, 28). The establishment of 
the cloisters of Luxeuil and Bobbio by St. Columban is men- 
tioned by Paul (IV, 41) quite briefly, and while it is probable, 
it is not certain, that he used for this statement the Life of St. 
Columban. Mommsen believes (p. 66) that the identification 
of Wotan with Mercury is also taken from this life (ch. 53). 

The Elder Pliny (Jacobi, 28) . Paul (1,2) refers to Pliny's 
Natural History (IV, 27 [13]) to establish the identity of the 
" Scadanan " of the Origo with Scadinavia. In the account 
of Lamissio (I, 15), Paul refers to Pliny (VII, 3) to establish 

1 The verses do not say that Venantius made the journey in that 
way, but at the end of his poem apostrophizing his book, which he 
sends to his friends in Italy, he indicates the way that book is to 
take, which is surely that which he himself took on his journey 
from Italy to France. In this poem mention is made of Forum 
Julii, but not in its proper order, and Paul does not speak of this 
place (which was his own birthplace, or near it) in relating the 
journey. Crivellucci (Studi Storici, 1899) concludes that the 
mention of Forum Julii is an interpolation, and that as it is absent 
in some of the MSS., it could not have been in the one consulted 
by Paul. 

2 Autpert came from the Frankish kingdom to the cloister of St. 
Vincent, and died there 778 (fiethmann, 384). 

8 Written by Jonas, a monk of Bobbio, about 640 (Hodgkin, VI, 
105). St. Columban was born in Leinster, Ireland about 543 
(id., p. no), died at Bobbio, Italy, 615 (id., p. 145). He was a 
missionary in France, Switzerland and Italy, and founded the 
monasteries of Luxeuil and Bobbio (id., 111-133). 


the credibility of his story of that king's wonderful birth. 
Mommsen believes (p. 92) that Paul's statement (II, 17) 
that the river Siler is the boundary between Campania and 
Lucania is from Pliny, also Paul's reference to the Aternus or 
Piscarium (II, 19) and to " the left horn of Italy " (II, 21), 

Justin^ (Jacobi, 29). In his account of the irruption of 
the Gauls under Brennus into Italy (II, 23) Paul mostly fol- 
lows the Epitome of Justin (XXIV) which gives the number of 
the Gauls at 300,000 and states that a part of them destroyed 
Rome , another part went to Greece and were there defeated 
at Delphi, and the third part proceeded to Asia (XXV, 2) and 
settled in Galatia, and the last, Paul adds, were the Galatians 
to whom St. Paul wrote his epistle. Paul arbitrarily attributed 
to these three bands of invaders the strength of 100,000 men 
each. The names of the cities established by the Gauls are 
also taken from Justin (XX, 5) (?)." 

The Cosmographer of Ravenna (I, n, see Jacobi, 30) 
mentions Mauringa, which according to Paul (I, n) is the 
third settlement of the Langobards, and describes the Skride- 
finnen who are probably the Scritobini of Paul (I, 5). (See 
Procopius B. G. , II, 15.) Possibly Paul's explanation of the 
ebb and flow of the tide (1,6) can be traced to this source. 

Virgil (Jacobi, 30). Virgil's verses (^neid III, 420 to 
423) are quoted in Paul's reference to Charybdis. 

Dcnafus 3 (Jacobi, 30). Paul refers (II, 23) to Donatus' 

1 A Roman historian who lived before the fifth century ; he was 
the compiler of an epitome of a lost history by Pompeius Trogus, 
written near the beginning of the Christian era (Larousse). 

1 But Justin names Conium, Verona, Tridentum and Vincentia 
and omits Ticinum. 

*Aelius Donatus, a Roman grammarian and rhetorician who 


commentary upon Virgil for his assertion that Mantua was in 
Gaul. The place in question is found in Servius on the 
^Eneid (Bk. X, line 200). 

Sextus Aurelius Victor (Jacobi, 30). To prove that the 
Cottian Alps were a province by themselves (II, 18) Paul ap- 
peals to a history by Sextus Aurelius Victor (De Caesar. 
Ch. V, Nero). Perhaps also the derivation of the name of 
the Cottian Alps from king Cottius comes from this history. 

Festus* (Jacobi, 31). From Festus' De Verborum Signifi- 
catione (Exc. ed. Miiller) Paul deduces the origin of the 
names Lucania (p. 119), Picenum (p. 212), Samnium (p. 
327), Italia (p. 46), Ausonia (p. 4). Also, according to 
Mommsen (95), Forum Julii (p. 84).''' 

Isidore* (See Jacobi, 31). Paul took from Isidore's Ety- 
mologies (XIII, 19 ; 6) that Lake Benacus lay in Venetia (P. 
II, 14). Also the expknation of the names Histria (Etym. 
XIV, 4, i8) 4 ,Tuscia (20), Umbria (21), Campania (XV, i, 
64), Apennine Alps (XIV, 8, 13), Etruria (XIV, 4,22), 
Sicily (XIV, 6, 30), Corsica (35), Sardinia (XIV, 6, 34), 

lived in the middle of the fourth century, who wrote, among other 
things, a commentary on Virgil. 

1 Sextus Pompeius Festus, a Latin lexicographer, who lived per- 
haps in the second century. He epitomized a glossary of Latin 
words and phrases, entitled " De Verborum Significatu," by M. 
Verrius Flaccus, which is now lost. 

2 These citations from Festus may be found in alphabetical 
order in other editions than Miiller' s. 

3 Isidorus Hispalensis, or Isidore of Seville, born at Cartagena 
about 560, died 636, became bishop of Seville 600. He wrote a 
work on etymology, a chronicle, etc., and his books were held in 
high esteem during the Middle Ages. 

* I cite the Madrid edition of Isidore (Ulloa, 1 778), which differs 
from the texts cited by Jacobi and Mommsen. 


Italy (XIV, 4, 19).' Also the introductory first chapter of his 
first book, describing the advantages of northern lands for the 
propagation of the human race, must be traced to Isidore (IX, 
2, 96 ; XIV, 4, 2). The remarkable derivation of Germania 
from germinare is also traceable to a certain extent to a state- 
ment of Isidore (XIV. 4, 2). Paul's statement of the bound- 
aries of Italy (II, 9) was also taken from Isidore's Etymolo- 
gies (XIV, 4, 19). On the other hand, Paul only used the 
Chronicle of Isidore twice in his Langobard history ; first, for 
the conquest of Belisarius over the Persians (I. 25 ; see Chron- 
icle AM., 5762), and second, for the insurrection of the fac- 
tions of the circus, the Blues and the Greens under Phocas 
(P., IV, 36; Chron. AM., 5809). 

Jordanis" 1 (Jacobi, 32). From the Chronicle of Jordanis 
Paul took (I, 19) the names of the peoples which Odoacar led 
into the field against Fewa (Ed. Lindenbr. Hamb., 1611, c. 
59); also the statement (P., II, i) of the alliance of the 
Langobards with the Byzantine court (id., p. 67). From 
Jordanis' History of the Goths Paul took the explanations of 
the names of Brittia (chap. XXX; see Mommsen, p. 94) and 
Venetia (chap. XXIX; see Mommsen, p. 97). 

Justinian (Jacobi, 32). Paul took his statement regarding 
the composition of the Code, Institutes and Pandects of Jus- 
tinian (I, 25) from the second preface of Justinian to the 
Digests. From this, too, came the enumeration of the titles 
of Justinian. 

The explanation of the derivation of Liguria, ^Emilia, Fla- 
minia and Apulia are peculiar to Paul (II, 15, 19, 2i), 3 per- 

1 Mommsen adds (p. 95) Latium (Isid. XIV, 4, 19). 

1 A Gothic historian and ecclesiastic of the sixth century. He 
wrote a history of the Goths and a general chronicle. 

1 Mommsen believes (p. 97) that the meaning of Apulia, Atclla, 
Aurelia and Liguria were derived from the complete edition of 
Festus which Paul had, and which has not come down to us. 


haps also has derivation of the Cottian Alps from king Cottius 
(II, 16; Jacobi, 32). 

It would seem that Paul had before him documents from 
Monte Cassino only to a very limited extent (Jacobi, 86). 
The account of the robbery of the bones of St. Benedict and his 
sister (P. VI, 2) appear to rest upon some such authority, and 
the account of the second establishment of the cloister by 
Petronax (VI, 40) on the use of some local source. The nar- 
rative of the conflict between duke Pemmo of Friuli and the 
patriarch Calixtus (VI, 51) may rest upon certain Friulan 
accounts, since the work of our author in its latter portion 
deals with legends of the marvelous doings of the Langobard 
kings and the dukes of Beneventum, Friuli and Spoleto. 

(2) The Liber Pontificalis, Bede and the Lost Chronicle. 

In treating of these it will be convenient first to consider 
Jacobi's analysis of Paul's sources and then to compare this 
with Mommsen's divergent views. Jacobi says (p. 45) that 
for the later part of the History of the Langobards the Liber 
Pontificalis and Bede's Chronicle are almost the only sources 
which have come down to us, and that about one-sixth of 
Paul's work is derived from these two. His whole system of 
chronology depends in a general way upon Bede. Paul used 
the Liber Pontificalis from John III to Gregory II. He ap- 
pears to have used an edition known as B of Muratori (Ja- 
cobi 46 and 47). From it he took the story (P. II, 5 ; Lib. 
Pont., John III) of the invitation of the Langobards into Italy 
byNarses; also the account of Narses' departure to Naples, 
his return to Rome, his death and the sending of his body to 
Constantinople (P. II, n ; Lib. Pont., John III) ; the state- 
ment that at the time of Pope Benedict the Langobards laid 
waste the country surrounding Rome and that Justin II brought 
grain from Egypt to relieve the famine (P. Ill, 1 1 ; Lib. Pont., 
Bened. I) ; and of the election of pope Pelagius (P. Ill, 20, 


Lib. Pont. Pelagius II) without the confirmation of the em- 

As Bede also used the Liber Pontificalis, It is sometimes 
hard to tell whether Paul made his extract from the former 
or the latter; for example, in regard to the missionaries sent 
to Britain by Gregory I (P. Ill, 25 ; Bede 4536 ; Lib. Pont. 
Greg. I). Sometimes he supplements one by the other. It 
is doubtful which source he followed in relating the confirma- 
tion by Liutprand of the gift of the Cottian Alps (P. VI, 28 ; 
Bede 4659; Lib. Pont. John VII; Jacobi 49-50). Thus 
Paul (V, 30) recapitulates from the Liber Pontificalis (Vita- 
lianus and Adeodatus) the murder of Constans II in Sicily in 
668 ; the suppression of the uprising of Mezetius and the suc- 
cession of Constantine IV, but the period of the reign of the 
latter is taken from Bede (A. M. 4639) . Sometimes Paul con- 
nects the statements in such a way that mistakes occur. Thus 
he takes the account of an eclipse of the moon (VI, 5) 
(June 28th, 680) from the Liber Pontificalis (Agatho) , and of 
an eclipse of the sun (May 2, 680) from Bede (A. M. 4622), 
but the chronological order is inverted. To the gift of the 
patrimony of the Cottian Alps by king Aripert (VI, 28) to the 
Holy See (Bede A. M. 4659 ; Lib. Pont. John VII) Paul joins 
as contemporaneous the pilgrimage of two Anglo-Saxon kings 
to Rome, which is incorrect, since the Liber Pontificalis fixes 
the event under Pope Constantine I (708 and 715). Also in 
the account of the second reign of Justinian II Paul works to- 
gether (VI, 31) the account of the Liber Pontificalis (John 
VII) and Bede (A. M. 4665) stating that Justinian put to 
death certain patricians, as well as his two rivals Leo (Leon- 
tius) and Tiberius (Apsimar) whereas Bede had simply des- 
ignated these as patricians. 

Paul (VI, 31) relates in Bede's language (A. M. 4665) 
that Justinian sent the patriarch Callinicus whom he calls Gal- 
licinus, blinded to Rome, made the abbot Cyrus patriarch, and 


' caused Pope Constantine I to come to Constantinople, and on 
the other hand he relates in the words of the Liber Pontificalis 
(Constantine, Murat. Ill, p. 153, n. 16) that the Pope vainly 
tried to dissuade the emperor from sending an army against 
the banished Filippicus. Paul takes from the Liber Pontificalis 
(VI, 36 ; Lib. Pont., Gregory II) the insurrection of the fleet 
sent by Anastasius II against Egypt, but he adds from Bede 
(A. M. 4671) the victory of Theodosius over Anastasius at 
Nicea, the setting up again of the Council picture in Constanti- 
nople, and the overflow of the Tiber. The siege of Constanti- 
nople by the Arabs, Paul takes (VI, 47) from Bede (A. M. 
4680), but adds from the Liber Pontificalis (Greg. II) that 
300,000 persons perished by pestilence. He relates from 
Bede (A. M. 4680) that the Saracens were defeated by the 
Bulgarians and the rest of their army destroyed by a storm at 
sea, and that the bones of St. Augustine were transported from 
Sardinia to Ticinum by king Liutprand, and he correctly puts 
as contemporary therewith (VI, 48) from the Liber Pontifi- 
calis (Greg. II) the conquest of Narnia by the Langobards. 

Paul relates (IV, 8) from the Liber Pontificalis alone (Greg, 
i) the capture by the exarch Romanus of some cities that 
already belonged to the Langobards ; the taking of Naples by 
John of Consia; his defeat by the patrician Eleutherius, and 
the murder of the latter in Luceoli (Jacobi, 52, 53) ; the ac- 
count (IV, 45) of the earthquake and plague in Rome (Lib. 
Pont., Deusdedit, Muratori III, p. 135), and the expedition of 
Constans II to Italy (V, 6 ; Lib. Pont., Vitalian) , but he adds 
from other sources more detailed accounts and legends of the 
struggle between king Grimoald and the emperor. Paul tells 
us (V, II) also from the Liber Pontificalis (Vitalian) of Con- 
stans' entrance into Rome, the plundering of the Pantheon, 
the departure of the emperor to Naples and Sicily and his 
murder in Syracuse ; the insurrection of Mecetius (Meze- 
tius) (V, 12; Lib. Pont., Adeodatus) ; the plundering of 


Sicily by the Saracens (V, 13) ; the storms of rain and the 
second crop of leguminous plants (V, 15); the sending of 
archbishop Theodore and abbot Hadrian to Britain (V, 
30; Lib. Pont. Vitalian) ; the comet (V, 31; Lib. Pont. 
Bonus) ; the pestilence that followed ; the adornment by 
Pope Bonus of the so-called " Paradise " in front of St. Peter's 
with a pavement of white marble (id), and the account of the 
Sixth General Council (VI, 4 ; Lib. Pont. Agatho). The letter 
of Bamianus however is not found in the Liber Pontificalis nor 
Bede. Possibly Paul saw the letter and perhaps his confession 
of faith was taken from it. The eclipse of the moon and the 
pestilence (VI, 5) comes from the Liber Pontificalis (Agatho). 
Paul places as contemporaneous with these the ravages of the 
disease in Pavia and the bringing of the relics of St. Sebastian 
from Rome. Two remarkable star phenomena and an erup- 
tion of Vesuvius (VI, 9) come from the Liber Pontificalis 
(Benedict II), also the invasion by duke Gisulf (VI, 27) in 
702 of the Roman Campania (John VI), but not the name of 
the conquered cities. The journey of archbishop Benedict 
(VI, 29) of Milan to Rome comes from the Life of Pope 
Constantine I. The account of the capture and re-capture of 
Cumae (VI, 40) ; the coming of duke Theudo of Bavaria to 
Rome (VI, 44, Liber Pont. Greg. II) ; the conquest of Spain 
by the Saracens and the battle of Poictiers (VI, 46) ; Liut- 
prand's siege of Ravenna and capture of Classis ; the unsuc- 
cessful attempt (VI, 49) which the exarch Paul made against 
Gregory II and Gregory's opposition to the iconoclastic 
measures of Leo the Isaurian, are all taken from the Liber 
Pontificalis (Gregory II) together with Gregory's refusal to 
favor the insurrection against the emperor. While the Liber 
Pontificalis states that several cities of Aemilia, as well as the 
Pentapolis and Auxinum surrendered to Liutprand (Pabst, 
476), Paul leaves in uncertainty the conquest of these cities 
by the king. The taking of Sutrium (VI, 49; Liber Pont. 


Gregory II) by Liutprand and the restoration of it to the Pope 
are mentioned by Paul from this source. The repeated attempts 
of Leo to prevent the worship of images, the removal of the 
patriarch Germanus and the naming of his successor Anastasius 
are the last facts which Paul took from the Liber Pontificalis 
(P. VI, 49 ; Lib. Pontiff., Greg. II). 

It is remarkable that Paul omits so much which he found in 
his copy, such as the league of Liutprand with the exarch 
Eutychius, the subjugation of Spoleto and the meeting of 
Liutprand and Gregory II at Rome. The reason for this 
silence cannot be certainly given. 

From Bede's Chronicle Paul (see Jacobi, 58) takes the 
account (I, 25) of the destruction of the kingdom of the 
Vandals in Africa by Belisarius (Bede A. M. 451 8); 'the 
mention of Dionisius, the founder of the Christian computa- 
tion of time (id.) ; the statement (III, 13 ; Bede A. M. 4529) 
that Gregory the Great composed his book of Morals or Com- 
mentaries on Job at the court of Tiberius in Constantinople, 
and there successfully opposed the heresy of Euthicius ; the 
death of Gregory (P. IV, 29 ; Bede A. M. 4565) ; the trans- 
formation of the Pantheon into a church ; the period of Focas' 
reign; the war of the Persians against the empire (IV, 36) ; 
the death of Heraclius ; the reign of his son * Heracleonas 
with his mother Martina ; the six months's reign of Constan- 
tine III and the succession of Constans II, whom Paul calls 
Constantino (P. IV, 49; Bede A. M. 4591, 4593, 4504, 
4622), and Paul's chronological errors are thus explained 
(Jacobi, 59). 

The conquest of Africa and the destruction of Carthage by 
the Arabs (VI, 10 ; Bede, 4649) ; the accession of Justinian II 
(VI, ii ; Bede A. M. 4649) (in which he makes the mistake 


of calling Justinan a younger son of Constantine, whereas 
Bede calls him Justinian the younger, a son of (Jonstantine) ; 
Justinian's unsuccessful attempt to bring Pope Sergius to Con- 
stantinople; the peace with the Arabs (id.) ; Justinian's over- 
throw by Leo (VI, 12 ; Bede, 4649, 4652) ; the account (VI, 
14) of the synod of Aquileia which ended a schism (Bede, 
4659) and the statement that the Fifth Synod was directed 
against Theodore of Mopsuestia (VI, 14 ; Bede, 4639), all come 
from Bede, but Paul adds erroneously that this synod pro- 
claimed Mary the Mother of God, confusing it with the Third 
General Council (Jacobi, 6 1 ) . Paul takes from Bede (VI , 32 ; 
Bede A. M. 4665, 4667) the insurrection of Filippicus which 
ended Justinian's second reign, but Paul adds from another 
source that Justinian had his nose cut off when he was banished 
by Leonitus and after his return sought to revenge himself by 
continual executions of his opponents. Paul took word for 
word from Bede (VI, 34 ; Bede A. M. 4667) the statement of 
the removal of the patriarch Cyrus, but the other name of 
Filippicus, Bardanis, as well as the name Artemius, Paul took 
from another source. Paul took from Bede the attempt of 
Filippicus the Monothelete to influence the Pope, and the 
account of the picture of the six oecumenical councils and of 
the removal of the imperial effigies (VI, 34; Bede, 4667) ; 
Filippicus' overthrow through Anastasius, who recognized the 
Sixth Council (Bede, 4670) ; the journeys of the Angles to 
Rome (VI, 37 ; Bede, 4671) ; the rise of Leo the Isaurian to 
the throne (VI, 41 ; Bede, 4680) ; also the statement (VI, 
48 ; Bede, 4680) of the removal of the bones of St. Augustine 
by king Liutprand, so that Bede's Chronicle is used down to 
the last syllable. 

The remaining part of Bede's work, "De Temporum 
Ratione," was only used once by Paul (I, 5, Bede, ch. 31) 
in his comparison of the changing length of the days and the 
difference in the length of the shadow in different lands. 


Bede's History of the Church was used by Paul only once (VI, 
15) in regard to the journey and conversion of king Cedoal 
(Bede V, 7). He incorrectly makes this contemporary with 
the synod of Aquileia. 

Such is the account, (considerably condensed) , which Jacobi 
gives of the extracts from Bede and the Liber Pontificalis. 
At another place , in his discussion of the sources used by Paul 
(p. 84), he insists that an indication of an annalistic source 
now lost occurs in Paul (II, 14) where he says : " For Venetia 
does not only consist in the few islands which we now call 
Venice. * * * * This is proved by the books of annals, 
in which Pergamus (Bergamo) is said to be a city of 
Venice." In Paul's Roman History (bk. XVI) he had said : 
' ' Biorgor, king of the Alani , was overcome and killed not far 
from Bergamo, a city of Venetia." Bauch (p. 59, 74) and 
Holder- Egger (Neues Archiv, I, 302) have shown the annal- 
istic origin of the latter passage , and that its source may be 
traced to Ravenna. Other passages can be traced to similar 
sources, for instance, the account of the destruction of the 
Vandal kingdom in Africa by Belisarius, and of the conquest 
of the king of the Moors, Amtalas, by the ex-consul Joannes 
(I, 25). Another series of annalistic statements occurs in 
the beginning of the second book, where Paul mentions (II, i ) 
the conquest of Totila by Narses with the aid of Langobard 
auxiliaries, and varies from Procopius in his account of their 
dismissal, while he omits all mention of the conflict of Narses 
with Teia. On the other hand, he relates the victory of Narses 
over Buccellinus, Amingo and Leuthari (II, 2), and seems to 
have drawn from a source common to Marius of Avenches and 
the Liber Pontificalis for the History of Sinduald (II, 3) and 
Dagisteus. Marius, as well as Paul, praises Narses strongly, 
and as Paul appears to have drawn the statement (II, 4) of 
the punishment of the bishop Vitalis of Altino from an annal- 
istic source, this may contain the expressions Paul used in 


regard to Narses, and he may have made additions from 
another source (Jacobi, 86). 

So much for the discussion of Jacobi. On the other hand 
Mommsen (p. 77) first considers Paul's Roman sources in 
connection with the concluding part of his previous work, his 
Roman History, and says : " Paul brings that history down to 
the death of Totila in 552, and closes his i6th book with the 
promise of relating in a subsequent book the things which may 
be said concerning the good fortune of the emperor Justinian. 
This following book does not exist, but in its place is the 
History of the Langobards. For in the account of Justinian 
the events related in detail in the Roman History (the 
Persian war ; the conquest of Africa ; the overthrow of the 
Goths in Italy through Belisarius) are here condensed into the 
briefest compass. But the narrative goes into greater detail 
in things not mentioned in the Roman History the vanquish- 
ing of Amtalas, king of the Moors ; the great work in juris- 
prudence ; the building of the church of St. Sophia and 
closes with a general estimate of the emperor. In the follow- 
ing book the account of the Gothic war is taken up just at the 
point where the Roman History breaks off, that is, with the 
struggle between Narses and Buccellinus in the year 553, ex- 
cept that the sending of the auxiliary Langobard troops to the 
army of Narses, which occurred in Totila 's lifetime, is put at 
the head. Therefore, the pieces fit together as closely as 
could be expected, and Paul has arranged his history of Italy, 
or rather he has modified his original plan, in such a way that 
he has entitled the first sixteen books as the Roman History, 
and his last six books as the History of the Langobards. * * * " 

1 Ebert (Litteratur des Mittelalters, II, 45, note i) insists that we 
are not justified in considering Paul's "History of the Lango- 
bards" as a continuation of his " Roman History " and that we 
cannot speak of a history of Italy composed of the two works, 


" This relation of the two works of Paul is also useful in 
the question of the sources, since the latter part of the Roman 
History and the Roman portions of the Langobard History 
must be combined in the investigation. Since the introduc- 
tion of Droysen (the editor of Paul's Roman History) only 
dealt with the former , I will now attempt to show briefly that 
the results found by him are applicable here , and that in fact 
a chronicle now lost or incompletely preserved lies at the basis 
of these sources. When we separate from the first four books 
(I include also the $d and 4th in the circle of investigation) 
everything which can be traced with probability either to 
Gregory of Tours and his continue rs, or to Secundus of Trent 
and his continuers, or to the literature known to Paul which 
is not in the nature of a chronicle, there remain approxi- 
mately the following portions : 

"Book I,ch. 25. This is the section already mentioned 
in regard to Justinian's government in general. What Paul 
says at the end in regard to the authors Cassiodorus, Dionisius 
the Less, Priscian and Arator, is not taken from a chronicle, 
but from the titles and prefaces of their works, and it further 
confirms his extensive knowledge of literature. 

Book II, ch. i to 5 (compare Book III, ch. 12). History 
of Narses and of the immigration of the Langobards into Italy , 
after deducting from it what can belong to Secundus (Momm- 
sen, p. 78). 

Book II, ch. n, Narses' death. 

Book III, chs. ii and 12, Justin II, Tiberius Constantine, 
after deducting the extensive extracts taken from Gregory and 
the Liber Pontificalis. 

taken together, since the Roman history deals with the whole 
empire and not Italy alone. In a strict sense this is true, yet in a 
more general way, Mommsen's view is not without justification and 
elucidates very clearly the connection of the two works. 


Book III , chs. 15,22, Maurice , after deducting what belongs 
to Gregory. 

Book IV, ch. 26, Maurice, Focas. 

Book IV, ch. 29, Death of Pope Gregory. 

Book IV, ch. 36, Focas, Heraclius. 

Book IV, ch. 49, Sons of Heraclius. Constantine (the so- 
called Cons tans II)." 

" If we compare with these accounts the annalistic narratives 
which have come to us from other quarters, many of them are 
repeated in such a way that their common origin is undoubted. 
Such analogies occur repeatedly between Paul on the one side 
and on the other side Isidore and the Copenhagen Continuer 
of Prosper. But above all there appear such close relations 
between this portion of Paul and the Chronicle of Bede that 
they agree even in their false statements, which is always the 
surest guide." ' 

Mommsen here compares with Paul (Book IV, ch. 36) cer- 
tain passages from Isidore, from the Copenhagen Continuer of 
Prosper, 2 and from Bede. He (81) thinks it strange that Paul 

1 Thus they reckon the period of the kingdom of the Vandals as 
ninety-six years, as Paul also estimates it in his Roman history. 
Justinian and Procopius reckoned it at ninety-five years, which 
number is official and correct. Pope Gregory died in the seventh 
indiction ; Paul as well as Bede places his death in the eighth. 
Both have alike in incorrect order, the sons of Heraclius, Constan- 
tinus and Heracleones, reigning for a short time after each other. 
(Mommsen, 79.) 

'Otherwise called the Langobard Chronicle of 641 a chronicle 
discovered by Waitz in Copenhagen which comes down to that 
year. Up to 378 it is merely a brief extract from Jerome, with 
short additions upon the margin. From 378 to 455 it is a literal 
copy of the Chronicle of Prosper with a few additions from Isidore, 
etc. From 455 to 523 it is a compilation from the Annals of 
Ravenna, with additions from Isidore, from a Gallic, annalistical 


should have taken nothing further from Isidore's Chronicle than 
a statement concerning the quarrels between the Greens and 
Blues, and that he should have taken this account and the fol- 
lowing one in Isidore about the capture of Jerusalem by the 
Persians in the same order as Isidore has them , but only the 
first in the words of Isidore and the second, word for word 
from Bede. Mommsen adds that the conduct of the authors 
of the early Middle Ages as compilers offers extraordinary prob- 
lems ; that in Paul's History a number of statements remain 
which come neither from Langobard sources nor from Isi- 
dore or Bede, and he insists that Paul has used for the later 
books of his Roman History, as well as for his Langobard 
History, certain annals composed in the Byzantine portions 
of Italy and now lost. What kind of a chronicle this was can 
in a manner be determined, and Mommsen in describing it 
says that accounts of the occurrences in the East were not 
completely kcking (IV, 36), but were scanty, and that the 
horizon of the author was not that of Constantinople , but of 
Rome or Ravenna (Mommsen, 82) ; that the chronicle intro- 
duced the names of the emperors with an enumeration of their 
order (P. Ill, 12 ), the number of years of the reign of each, 
and here and there a brief statement of the emperor's- origin 
and early condition of life (P. Ill, n, 12, 15) ; that Paul's 
characterization of Justinian comes from this group of sources, 
yet it cannot be traced back to any of the documents that have 
come down to us ; that we recognize Amtalas , the king of the 

source and from a catalogue of the bishops of Milan, all arranged 
according to the years of the consuls. After 523 the annalistical 
form is abandoned and it is derived from unknown sources. 
Schmidt (22) thinks the two last portions are by different authors. 
Bethmann (381) believed that the chronicler used Secundus as 
one of his sources. Jacobi (80-84) disproves this. The chronicle 
is of little authority (Schmidt, 24, 25). 


Moors, from John of Corippus and Procopius' history of the 
Vandals, but that no western source mentions hi^ name except 

Mommsen thus continues (p. 82) : "The remarkable re- 
sum6 of the legislation of Justinian must be attributed to the 
same source, owing to the connection in which it appears, and 
it is not without significance that this is the only testimony at 
hand of the complete publication of the Novels of Justinian. 
The accounts relating to Narses, especially those concerning 
the Gothic war of Buccellinus, and of the transfer of Narses' 
body to Constantinople for burial can not well be attributed to 
Secundus in their totality, for the account is given from the 
Roman standpoint, and most of the events mentioned do not 
refer to the Langobards. Paul took from these annals of the 
Eastern Empire, and not from the Langobard annals, his 
account of the expedition of Heraclianus for the overthrow of 
Focas, of which no Latin author, so far as I know, makes any 
mention. Isidore, Bede, Paul and the Copenhagen Con- 
tinuer of Prosper, have drawn from this common source, 
but not one from the other. * * * " 

" A series of other questions is connected with these. It is 
very probable that the Liber Pontificalis, which also belongs to 
Byzantine Italy, was closely related to these Italian annals of 
the Eastern Empire. Indeed, the question can be asked 
whether the numerous and extensive extracts which pass -with 
Bede and with Paul as excerpts from the Liber Pontificalis 
may not rather have been taken from these annals. Unfortu- 
nately, owing to the lack of a critical edition of the Liber 
Pontificalis, and the uncertainty resulting from versions that vary 
greatly from each other, this can hardly be decided at the 
present time " (Mommsen, p. 84). 

Waitz in Neues Archiv, V, 423 et seq, thus answers Momm- 
sen's contentions : 

*' So far as it relates to the Roman accounts, I agree with 


Mommsen that Paul used one or several works of annals, lost to 
us, in his History of the Langobards as well as in his Roman 
History. But I see no ground, therefore, to strike Bede or the 

Liber Pontificalis out of the list of the books used by him , and 
o trace back to such a lost work the accounts which Carre- 
s' pond with them in part word for word." 

(3) Catalogue of the Provinces of Italy. 

Mommsen (p. 84), discusses Paul's description of the 

provinces of Italy (II, 14 to 24) and the sources from which 

is derived. He tells us that Diocletian divided Italy into 
.welve districts as follows : i. Raetia. 2. Venetiaand Histria. 
,?. Aemilia and Liguria. 4. The Cottian Alps. 5. Flaminia 
jind Picenum. 6. Tuscia and Umbria. 7. Campania and 

Samnium. 8. Apulia and Calabria. 9. Lucania and Bruttii. 
>o. Corsica, n. Sardinia. 12. Sicily. The number of dis- 
Jtricts before the end of the fourth century rose to sixteen, by 

| dividing Raetia into first and second Raetia, and by separating 
Aemilia from Liguria, Picenum Suburbicarium from Flaminia 
and Picenum Annonarium , and Campania from Samnium. The 
oldest complete list of the Italian provinces contained in the 
Calendar of Polemius Silvius gives this number. But before 

. 399, the number was increased to seventeen, through the es- 
tablishment of Valeria. 

It is these seventeen provinces which Paul described in his 
catalogue of the provinces of Italy. "If he gives eighteen," 
continues Mommsen (p. 86) , " this rests upon a mistake made 
by him, the discovery and removal of which, however, he has 
placed in our hands in his honorable way. The Apennine 
Alps constitute his ninth province, which according to him 
begin from the Cottian Alps and lie between Tuscia and Um- 
bria on the one side and Aemilia and Flaminia on the other, 
and comprise the places Bobbio, Verona, Frignano by Bologna, 
Monteveglio by Cesena and Urbino. But this province lies in 
the air. Of the places which Paul contributes to this ninth 


province, he elsewhere puts Bobbio in the Cottian Alps (II, 16 
IV, 41), Verona in Venetia (II, 14), Frignajio and Monte 
veglio in Aemilia (VI, 49), and therefore refutes himself in -. 
most thorough manner, which indeed was not necessary, sir 
the territories between which this province lies, Tuscia, U * 
bria, Flaminia, Picenum, adjoin each other. * * Strike 
this province improperly imported, and Paul's list correipo) 
exactly with the above-mentioned list of seventeen provinces 

A map of the provinces of Italy, according to Paul, w ; 
prepared for Mommsen by Kiepert, and a copy of it is he r 

The source from which Paul derived this list of the provinc 
of Italy forms the subject of an interesting discussion betwe< ; 
Mommsen and Waitz. 

Waitz in his edition of Paul's History (p. 188) publishes 
an appendix the following catalogue of the provinces of Ita ' 
as contained in a manuscript of the tenth century in the Madric 
Library : 

The first province is Venetia. This Venetia contains 
Verona, Vincentia, Patavium, Mantua and other cities, but 
among all, the city of Aquileia was the capital, in place of 
which just now is Forum Julii, so called because Julius Caesar 
had established a market there for business. 

The second province is Liguria, in which is Mediolanum 
and Ticinum, which is called by another name, Papia. It 
stretches to the boundaries of the Langobards. Between this 
and the country of the Alamani are two provinces , that is First 
Reptia and Second Reptia lie among the Alps, in which prop- 
erly the Reti are known to dwell. 

The Cottian Alps are called the third province. This ex- 
tends from Liguria in a southerly direction up to the Tyrrenian 
Sea, and on the west it is reckoned f rom the boundaries of the 
Gauls. In it are contained Aquis (where there are hot springs) 
and the cities of Dertona, Genua and Saona and the monastery 
of Bovium. 

The fourth province is Tuscia. This includes Aurelia 

Kiepert Neus Archiv. V, p. 104. 

[f. P. 380] 


toward the northwest and Umbria on the eastern side. In this 
province Rome was situated, which was at one time capital of 
the whole world. In Umbria are Perusium and Lake Clitorius 
and Spoletium. 

Campania, the fifth province stretches from the city of 
Rome to the Siler, a river of Lucania. In it the very rich 
cities of Capua, Neapolis and Salernum are situated. 

The . h province, Lucania, begins at the river Siler and 
extends i Oritia 1 as far as the Sicilian strait along the coast 
of the T .nian Sea, like the two last named provinces, hold- 
ing the right horn of Italy. In it cities are placed, that is, 
Pestus, Laynus, Cassanus, Cosentia, Malvitus and Regium. 

The seventh province is reckoned in the Apennine Alps, 
which take their origin from the place where the Cottian Alps 
terminate. These Apennine Alps, extending through the middle 
of Italy, separate Tuscia from Emilia, and Umbria from Fla- 
minea. In it are the cities of Feronianum and Montebellium 
and Bovium and Orbinum , and also the town which is called 

The eighth province, Emilia, beginning from the province 
of Liguria, extends towards Ravenna between the Apennine 
Alps and the waters of the Padus. It contains wealthy cities : 
Plagentia, Regio, Boonia and the Forum of Cornelius, the for- 
tress of which is called Imola. 

The ninth province, Flaminea, is placed between the 
Apennine Alps and the Adriatic Sea. In it are Ravenna, most 
noble of cities, and five other cities which in the Greek tongue 
are called Pentapolis. 

The tenth province, Picenum, comes after Flaminea. It 
has on the south the Apennine mountains, on the other side , the 
Adriatic Sea. It extends to the river Piscaria. In it are the 
cities Firm us, Asculus and Pennis, also (Hadriae) consumed 
with old age. 2 

Valeria, the eleventh province, to which Nursia is attached, 
is situated between Umbria and Campania, and Picenum, and 

1 Evidently a mistake for Britia (Bruttium). 

'Waitz supplies here " Hadriae" from Paul's History. 


it touches on the east the region of Samnium. This contains 
the cities of Tibur, Carsiolis, Reate, Forconis and Amiternum, 
and the regions of the Marsians and their lalce which is called 

The twelfth province , Samnium , is between Campania and 
the Adriatic Sea and Apulia. This begins at the Piscaria. In 
it are the cities of Theate, Aufidianum, Hisernia and 
Sampnium, consumed by its old age, from which the whole 
province is named, and that most wealthy Beneventum, the 
capital of this province. 

The thirteenth province is Apulia, united with it Calabria. 
It contains the tolerably rich cities of Luceria, Sipontum, 
Canusium, Acerentia, Brundisium, Tarentum, and in the left 
horn of Italy, lying distant fifty miles, Ydrontum, fitted for 

The island of Sicily is reckoned the fourteenth province. 
In this province are very rich cities, among which is the great 
city of Syracuse. 

The fifteenth province is the island of Corsica, which is 
full of corners with many promontories. 

The sixteenth province is the island of Sardinia. Both of 
these are girt by the waves of the Tirrenian Sea. This ex- 
tends into the African sea in the shape of the human foot, more 
broadly in the west as well as in the east, its sides being alike 
in shape. It extends in length north and south 140 miles, in 
breadth 40 miles. ' 

1 The first province, Venetia, is mentioned in language quite dif- 
ferent from the description of Paul otherwise the resemblance of 
the above catalogue to Paul's account of the provinces of Italy- 
is very close. There are a number of grammatical errors in this 
catalogue where the corresponding sentences are written correctly 
in Paul. The names of many of the places are spelled differently, 
the First Raetia and Second Raetia, although named, are not enu- 
merated here, but are included in Paul's enumeration, hence the 
numbering is different after the second province, and there are a 
few matters (printed above in italics) which are not found in Paul, 
or where Paul's statement differs from the catalogue. Many 
additional matters are found in Paul. 


Waitz, in his appendix (p. 188) insists (following Bethmann) 
that the prototype of this catalogue is earlier than the time of 
Paul, and that Paul copied and cited it, and made additions to 
it drawn mostly from Isidore. Mommsen declares (p. 88) that 
this is an error, that the catalogue is a mere epitome of Paul. 
He says : " Paul enumerates, as we have seen, eighteen pro- 
vinces, the catalogue sixteen, both with the inclusion of the 
fictitious Apennine Alps. The difference consists in this, that 
both of the Raetiae are enumerated by Paul, since they were 
well known to belong to the diocese of Italy ever since there 
was such a diocese, and in the catalogue, on the other hand, 
these two provinces are named, but they are not enumerated. 
This is explained very simply by a stupid misunderstanding of 
Paul's language of which the writer of the Madrid catalogue 
was guilty. Paul names Liguria as the second province, then 
adds the two provinces of First and Second Raetia, and then 
enumerates the Cottian Alps as the fifth. The epitomizer 
copies this, word for word, but because Paul does not designate 
the third and fourth, as he was otherwise accustomed to do, as 
tertia and quarta, but only as two provinces, when the epito- 
mizer goes on mechanically with his numbering, he makes the 
fifth of Paul the third, and so on. This silly oversight puts it 
beyond doubt that the Madrid catalogue is nothing but a bad 
extract from our Paul." 

Mommsen insists (p. 89) that Paul's list is nothing else than 
an extract of the catalogue which has subsequently come down 
to us in the Speier and Bam berg- Oxford manuscripts. He 
compares these manuscripts with each other, and declares that 
the remarkable resemblance of this catalogue with Paul in its 
substance as well as in the collateral observations which it con- 
tains (for instance, in referring to the Tyrrenian sea in con- 
nection with each of the three islands) strikes the eye at once. 
This catalogue did not merely comprise the provinces of Italy, 
but all the provinces of the still existing Roman empire , and it 


belonged to a compilation extending back far beyond the time 
of Paul and probably to the fifth century. This is confirmed 
by a closer comparison, for while the catalogue is essentially 
reproduced (although with an author's freedom) in Paul's de- 
scription, it offers the key to Paul's doubts and mistakes. 
This appears especially in regard to the unfortunate Apennine 
Alps. There was actually no Alpine province except the Cottian 
Alps, but Paul found that province described in the catalogue 
as " the Cottian and Apennine Alps," and this false name 
occurs both in the Speier and Bamberg-Oxford manuscripts. 
What Paul says (II, 20) of the region of the Marsians, that 
" it was not at all described by the ancients in the Catalogue 
of the Provinces of Italy," accords with these manuscripts. 
Finally, the remark (II, 18), "there were also some who 
called Aemilia and Valeria and Nursia one province," found 
its evident explanation, according to Mommsen, in the con- 
fusion which prevailed between the Speier catalogue on the one 
side and the Bamberg-Oxford on the other, and was taken, 
Mommsen thinks, from the original manuscript which lay at 
the foundation of both. 

In the Speier manuscript we have (Mommsen, p. 90) : 

" The provinces of Italy are seventeen. 

First. Campania, in which is Capua. 

Second. Tuscia with Umbria, in which is Rome. 


Fourth. Nursia, Valeria, in which is Reate. 
Fifth. Flammina, in which is Ravenna," etc. 

In the Bamberg and Oxford catalogue we have : 
" The provinces of Italy then are sixteen. 

First. Campania, in which is Capua. 

Second. Tuscia with Umbria. 

Third. Emilia, Nursia, Valeria. 

Fourth. Flaminia, in which is the city of Ravenna," etc. 


This must mean that the third province was Emilia, the 
fourth Nursia and Valeria, and that in the Speier list Emilia had 
dropped out, but the enumeration was in order, while in the 
Bamberger list the word "fourth " had dropped out between 
the words " Emilia" and " Nursia," and as a result of this, 
the numbering of the subsequent provinces was altered. 
Mommsen suggests that in the manuscript before him Paul 
may have read "Third, Emilia, Nursia, Valeria, Fifth, 
Flaminia, etc." and that it can easily be understood that he 
hesitated whether Emilia, Nursia and Valeria constituted one 
province and that a mistake was made in the subsequent 
enumeration, or whether the word " Fourth " was dropped 
after " Emilia," which on the whole he preferred to believe 
(Mommsen, 91, 92). 

Waitz (Neues Archiv, V, 417) controverts the view taken 
by Mommsen, and insists that Paul took his list of provinces 
from the catalogue in the Madrid manuscript as well as from the 
source of the Speier catalogue. He refers to several observa- 
tions by Paul indicating a double prototype , and adds in regards 
to the ' ' stupid misunderstanding ' ' attributed by Mommsen 
to the writer of the Madrid catalogue in changing the enumer- 
ation by numbering the provinces mechanically : " I think it 
would have been still more mechanical for a simple copyist or 
epitomizer to adhere to the enumeration of Paul. But for an 
author who composed the Madrid catalogue upon the basis of 
an old prototype yet with a certain independence , there could 
well be reasons for naming both the Raetiae after his source, 
but not counting them as provinces of Italy. He must have 
written at a time when they were not connected with the rest 
of Italy, but belonged to the kingdom of the Franks. When 
Paul varied from this and went back to the old enumeration 
and turned ' the third ' into ' the fifth,' he might be induced to 
do this through the other (Speier) list, which included both the 
Raetiae, especially when the reason for excluding them from 


Italy ceased to exist, or had at least, become less important, 
since at the time of Charlemagne everything \\;as united under 
one sovereignty, and the antiquarian point of view, so to speak, 
in the enumeration could alone come into operation. Paul 
acts, moreover, under all circumstances, with a certain freedom 
in his enumeration, since he has not sixteen provinces like the 
Bamberg and Oxford text, and in another way the Madrid cat- 
alogue ; not seventeen as the Speier catalogue properly con- 
tains (although it enumerates them with the omission of the 
third), but eighteen. Eighteen because (improperly as 
Mommsen says, but coinciding with the Madrid catalogue) the 
Apennine Alps are introduced besides the Cottian Alps. Paul 
might well be induced by the passage in Victor in regard to the 
Cottian Alps to give the preference to one prototype over the 
other, but not, if he had only one before him, to depart wholly 
from this one. 

" From this come into force, I think, all the grounds which 
otherwise speak in favor of the priority of the Madrid catalogue. 
It contains something more than Paul, which would be hard to 
understand in an excerpt which is otherwise so literal. * * In 
regard to the islands of Sicily, Corsica and Sardinia, there are 
statements which, as Mommsen remarks, are all taken from 
Isidore, and in regard to which one can hardly understand how 
the author of the list came to add them if he otherwise did 
nothing except make excerpts from Paul. * * * * 

" He (Paul) is much more complete (than the Madrid 
manuscript), and has a large number of statements which are 
not found in that catalogue. The source of these can be 
pointed out with more or less certainty and more than formerly 
now that we can compare the Speier list. Apart from this 
list there is not a single statement to be found in the Madrid 
catalogue where the source can be traced. If this catalogue 
was an excerpt from Paul, the author must have subtracted 
with wonderful skill, one could say with genuine divination, 


everything which is not borrowed from Festus, Jordanis and 
Isidore, in order then, on the other side, to add something else 
out of the same Isidore. That is simply impossible, and I 
think I have shown that every reason fails to support such a 

Waitz thus sums up his conclusion : " Upon the basis of the 
older ' Notitia Provinciarum ' there was developed after the 
middle of the seventh century and during the time of the Lan- 
gobards a sketch of the provinces which has come down to us 
in the form of the Madrid manuscript. Paul incorporated it 
almost completely in his book, but compared it with the older, 
shorter and in many ways different composition, which was 
also known to him, and which is known to us in the Speier and 
Bam berg- Oxford manuscripts, and he added, moreover, certain 
etymological and historical statements which his considerable 
learning in the old writings placed at his disposition." 

The arguments presented by Waitz appear convincing. 
Paul's method of using his authorities, especially in the early 
portion of his history, is generally to follow them pretty closely, 
sometimes almost word for word, and following the order and 
arrangement of his original, 1 and it does not seem probable 
that he would have arbitrarily changed entirely the order of 
the Speier list, as was done in his enumeration, if that list had 
been his only authority. 

1 Compare for instance his method of treatment of the miracles 
of St. Benedict in the verses in Book I (see Appendix III), where 
he follows strictly the order observed by St. Gregory in his Dia- 
logues (Book II). 





7, Isidore Etymol., XIV, IV, 2, Origo. //, Origo, Pliny, 
IV , 2 7 ( 1 3 ) . ///, Origo'. V, Bede De Temp . Rat. , cap. 3 1 ; 
Cosmographer of Ravenna, I, n. VI, Virgil's yEneid, III, 
420. VII r , VIII, Origo. IX, Origo ; Isidore, Etym., IX, 2 ; 
Life of St. Columban, ch. 43. X, Origo. XI, Cosmographer 
of Ravenna, I, n. XIII, XIV, Origo. XV, Pliny Nat. 
Hist., VII, 3. XVIII, Origo. XIX, Origo and Eugippius' 
Life of Severinus, Ch. i ; III (sec. 15), IX (sec. 39), XI, 
XII (sec. 57) ; Jordanis, Ed. Lindenbr. Hamb. 1611, p. 59. 
XX, XXI, XXII, Origo. XXV, Bede's Chron., AM. 4518, 
Paul's Roman Hist., XVI, 11-19 (see Mommsen, 56, note) ; 
Isidore's Chron., AM. 5762 ; Annalistic source ; Justinian, 2d 
preface to Pandects, perhaps derived from a legal text book 
connected with a Turin manuscript ; see Fitting, Juristical Writ- 
ings of the Middle Ages, Halle, 1876, p. 103, 131-145 ; see 
Jacobi, p. 88. XXVI, Gregory's Dialogues, Bk. II, see 
Appendix III, infra., Marcus Casinensis (line 38, Muratori 
Script, IV, 605 ,606). XXVII, Origo. 

1 The italics refer to the various chapters in Paul. For brevity 
I have omitted Jacobi' s references to the particular sentences, 
phrases and words used by Paul and taken from the various 
authorities named. These will be found in most cases by com- 
paring the source cited here, with the reference to that source in 
the previous portion of this appendix. I have also added to the 
sources mentioned by Jacobi a number of additional sources men- 
tioned by Waitz and Mommsen. Chapters and parts of chapters 
derived from unknown sources are not referred to in the above 



/, Jordanis, Ed. Lindenbr. Hamb., 1611, p. 67 ; Annalistic 
source. //, Greg. Tours, III, 32 ; Annalistic source. 777, 
Annalistic source. IV ', Bede ; Annalistic source. V, Liber 
Pontif, John, III; Fredegarius Epitom., 65 (?); St. 
Gregory's Homil. I on the Gospels, Dialogues III, 38. VI, 
Gregory of Tours, IV, 42, 43 ; V, 15. VII, Origo, Secun- 
dus. VIII, Isidore, Etym., XIV, 14, 16. IX, Secundus; 
Isidore, Etym., XIV, IV, 19. X, Gregory of Tours, IV, 22, 
23,27,29; Lib. Pontif. Benedict, I; Secundus. XI, Lib. 
Pontif., John, III. XII, Secundus. XIII, Venant. For- 
tunat. Life of St. Martin, IV, 640700. XIV, Secundus ; 
Madrid Catalogue of the Provinces of Italy (Waitz, p. 188) ; 
Speier Manuscript and Bamberg-Oxford Catalogue (Mommsen, 
90, 91) ; Annalistic source ; Isidore, Etymol., XIII, 19 ; XIV, 
4, 18; Festus, 84; Jordanis de Reb. Get., ch. 29. XV, 
Madrid, Speier & Bam berg Catalogues. X VI, Isidore , Etymol. , 

XIV, IV, 20, 21 ; same catalogues. XVII, Isidore, Etymol., 

XV, I, 64; Festus (ed. Muller), p. 119; Jordanis de Reb. 
Get. , ch. 30 ; same catalogues. XVIII, Sextus Aurelius 
Victor, De Caesar, ch. 5 , Nero ; Isidore, XIV, VIII, 13 ; same 
catalogues. XIX, Festus, 212; same catalogues. XX, Isi- 
dore, XIV, IV, 22 ; Festus, 327; same catalogues. XXII, 
Isidore, XIV, VI, 30, 35, 34; same catalogues. XXIII, 
Donatus,see Servius on vneid,X, 200; Justin., Epit., XXIV, 
4,8; XXV, 2 ; XX, 5 ; XXIV, 4 ; same catalogues. XXIV, 
Isidore, XIV, IV, 18; Festus, p. 40, 4. XXV, Secundus. 
XXVI, XXVII, Origo ; Secundus. XXVIII, XXIX, XXX, 
Origo. XXXI, Secundus. XXXII, Secundus; Gregory of 
Tours, IV, 41 ; St. Gregory's Dialogues, III, 38. 


/, 77, 777, IV, Greg. Tours, IV, 42 ; VI, 6. V, VI, Greg. 


Tours , IV , 4 2 . VII, Greg. Tours , V , 1 5 . VIII, Greg. Tours , 
IV, 44. IX, Secundus. X, Greg. Tours, IV, 51 , 52 ; V, i ; 
Secundus. XI, Greg. Tours, IV, 39-40; V, 19, 30; Lib. 
Pontif. Benedict I. XII, Greg. Tours, V, 19-30. XIII, 
Greg. Tours, VI, 2 ; Bede, 4529 ; Secundus. XIV, Secundus. 
XV, Greg. Tours, VI, 30. XVI, Secundus. XVII, Greg. 
Tours, VI, 42. XVIII, Secundus; Epitaph of Droctulft. 
XIX, Epit. Droct. XX, Lib. Pontif. Pelagius II ; Secundus. 
XXI, Greg. Tours, V, 39; VIII, 28; Bede, 4536. XXII, 
Greg. Tours, VIII, 18; Secundus. XXIII, Secundus; St. 
Gregory's Dialogues, III, 19 ; Greg. Tours, X, praef. XXIV, 
Greg. Tours, X, i. XXV, Lib. Pontif. Gregory I; Bede, 
4536. XXVI, XXVII, Secundus. XXVIII, XXIX, Greg. 
Tours, IX, 25 . XXX, Secundus. XXXI, Greg. Tours, X, 2 , 
3 ; Secundus. XXXIII, Beneventine account. XXXIV, 
Greg. Tours, X, 3 ; Legend of Chalons. XXXV, Greg. Tours, 
X, 3 ; Secundus. 


/, II, ///.Secundus; Origo; IV, V, Secundus; Dia- 
logues of Gregory the Great. VII, Secundus. VIII, Lib. 
Pontif. Gregory I; Secundus; Gregory's Homily on Ezek. 
Preface, Bk. II. IX, St. Gregory's Letters, IX, 42-43. X, 
id., IX, 43; Secundus. XI, XI I, XIII, XIV, XV, XVI, 
Secundus. XVII, Gregory's Dialogues, II, Preface and 17. 

XVIII, Secundus; Benevent. account. XIX, Gregory's Let- 
ters, XII, 21. XX, XXI, Secundus. XXII, Isidore, Etym., 

Secundus. XXIX, Bede, 4565; Lib. Pontif. Sabinian ; Se- 
cundus; Gregory's Letters, IV, 47. XXX, XXXI, XXXh, 
XXXIII, Secundus. XXXIV, Lib. Pontif. Deusdedit, Boni- 
face, V. XXXV, Secundus. XXXVI, Bede, 4565 ; Isidore, 
Chron. AM., 5809; Secundus. XXXVII, Friulan legend. 
XXXVIII, see Fredegarius' Chronicle, 50-69 ( ?). XXXIX, 


Secundus. XL, Secundus and his continuer; Origo. XLI, 
List of Langobard kings; Fredegarius, ch. 49(7). XLIT, 
Origo ; Edict Rothari, sec. 386 and Prologue; Benevent. ac- 
count. XLIII, XLIV, Benevent. account. XL V, Origo ; Lib. 
Pontif. Deusdedit. XL VI, Benevent. account. XL VII, Origo ; 
see Fredegarius' Chronicle, 51 (?). XL VIII ', List of the 
kings. XLIX, Bede, 4591, 4593 > 4594 4622. L, Frede- 
garius' Chronicle, 9 ( ?) ; Friulan account ; Catalogue of dukes 
of Spoleto. Li, Pavian and Benevent. accounts. 

BOOK v. 

VI, XI, Lib. Pontif. Vitalian. XII, XIII, XV, Lib. Pontif. 
Adeodat. XXX, Bede , 4639 ; Lib. Pontif. Adeodat ; id. , Vital- 
ian. XXXI, Lib. Pontif. Bonus. XXXV, List of the kings. 


/, //, Benevent. account. ///, Friulan account. IV, 
Lib. Pontif. Agatho; Bede, 4639. V, Lib. Pontif. Agatho; 
Bede, 4622. IX, Lib. Pontif. Benedict, II. X, XI, Bede, 
4649. XII, Bede, 4649-4652. XIII, Bede, 4665. XIV, 
Bede, 4659, 4639; XV, Bede, Eccles. History, V, 7. 
XXIV, XXV, XXVI, Friulan account. XXVII, Benevent. 
account ; Lib. Pontif. , John, VI. XXVIII, Bede, 4659 ; Lib. 
Pontif. John, VII ; id., Constantine, I. XXIX, Lib. Pontif., 
Constantine , I. XXX, Catalogue of dukes of Spoleto. XXXI, 
Lib. Pontif., John, VII ; Bede, 4665 ; Lib. Pontif., Constan- 
tine, I. (Muratori, p. 153, n. 16.) XXXII, Bede, 4665- 
4667; XXXIV t Bede, 4667, 4670. XXXVI t Lib. Pontif. 
Gregory, II; Bede, 467 1. XXXVII, Bede, 4671. XXXIX, 
Benevent. account. XL, Monte Cassino account; Life of 
Paldo, Tasso and Tato by Autpert; Lib. Pontif. Gregory II. 
XL1 ' , Bede , 4680. XLI1 ' , Prankish annals, see Chron. Moiss. 
M. G. SS., 1,290. XLIH, Bede, 4670; Lib. Pontif. Greg- 
ory II. XLIV, Lib. Pontif. Gregory, II. XLV, Catalogue 


of the Patriarchs of Aquileia ; Friulan legend. XLVI, Lib. 
Pontif. ; Gregory II. See Chron. Moiss. M. G. SS., 1,291, 
292. XLVII, XLVIII, Bede, 4680; Lib. Pontif. Gregory 
II ; XLIX, Lib. Pontif. Gregory II. L, Benevent. account. 
Z7, Friulan account. LIV, Prankish Annals ; see Chron. 
Moiss. LVIII) Miracles in the Life of St. Baodolinus. 


{Contained in Book 7, Ch. 26, of the foregoing History.} 

Where, holy Benedict, shall I begin the long tale of thy tri- 
umphs ? 
Countless thy virtues to tell ; where shall thy bard begin ? 

Father and saint, all hail ! Thy name proclaimeth thy virtue, 7 
Shining light of the world ! father and saint all hail ! 

Nursia, 3 praise him well, by such son proudly exalted, 
Bringing the stars to the world Nursia abundantly praise ! 

O the decorum of boyhood ! 4 Transcending his years by his 

Passing the wisdom of age , 5 O the decorum of youth ! 

1 The second book of the Dialogues of Gregory the Great eluci- 
date the meaning of these distichs of which some would otherwise 
be incomprehensible. 

* Benedictus, "blessed." St. Gregory calls him "Blessed by 
grace and by name" (Dialogues, Book II, Introduction). 

8 The birthplace of St. Benedict in Umbria (id.). 

* He was sent to Rome to study literature and science, but while 
yet a boy was filled with loathing at the profligacy of his fellow- 
students (id.). 

6 St. Gregory says of him that he bore the heart of an old man 
from the very time of his boyhood. St. Gregory also says, " In- 
deed, surpassing his age in his morals, he gave his mind to no 
pleasure" (id.). 



Flower of the garden of heaven, the blossoms of earth despising, 1 

Prized not the riches of Rome ,* flower of the garden of heaven 1 


Sadly the governess bore the broken halves of the vessel j 
Joyfully, when restored, bore the preceptress the sieve.* 

He who is named from the city, 'mid rocks concealeth the 

Treasures of piety bears he who is named from the town. 4 

Praises resound from the caves, deep hid from the vision of 

mortals ; 
Known, Christ, only to thee, praises resound from the caves. 5 

'This again comes from St. Gregory. " He already despised 
the world in its bloom as if it were withered " (id.). 

2 He left Rome for a hermitage at a boyish age. As St. Gregory 
says, " He withdrew therefore, knowingly ignorant and wisely un- 
learned " (id). 

s His nurse or governess, who had taught him and brought him 
up in infancy, followed him from Rome and tended him. To pre- 
pare food for him she borrowed from a neighbor an earthen sieve 
or vessel for cleaning wheat ; she broke it and was in great dis- 
tress, not having the money to replace it. Benedict repaired it by 
a miracle (Dialogues II, Chapter I). St. Gregory says "But 
Benedict, the religious and pious boy, when he saw his nurse 
weeping, filled with pity for her grief, took away both parts of the 
broken sieve and tearfully betook himself to prayer. When he 
arose from his prayer he found the vessel whole and sound at his 
side, so that no trace of the fracture could be found in it, and 
presently, having kindly consoled his nurse, he returned the sieve to 
her whole and sound which she had brought to him broken " (id.)i 

4 Benedict fled from his nurse and sought the solitude of waste 
places, whereupon the monk Romanus (whose name is derived 
from Rome which was pre-eminently "the City ") concealed him 
in a cave and ministered to his necessities (Dialogues, II, ch. i). 

* Benedict remained three years in this cave at Sublacus (Subiaco) 
about forty miles from Rome (id). 

POEMS. 395 

Frost and the tempest and snow three years thou unwearied 

endurest ; 
Filled with God's love thou dost scorn frost and the tempest 

and snow. 

Holy devices are pleasing ; approved are the tricks of the pious , 
Whereby the saint was sustained holy devices delight. 1 

"Here is the feast of God's love," he signals; the spiteful 

one checks him ; 
None the less faith undismayed signals " The feast is at hand. ' ' 2 

Duly observes he the festivals who lendeth ear to Christ's 

And when he breaketh his fast, duly observes he the feast. 3 

1 ' ' This Romanus, ' ' says St. Gregory, ' ' lived not far off in a 
monastery under the rule of father Adeodatus. But he piously 
stole away his hours from the presence of this same father of his, 
and carried to Benedict on certain days what bread he could pur- 
loin for him to eat. There was no way indeed to his cave from 
the cell of Romanus, because this cell stood high above the rocks. 
But Romanus was accustomed to let down the bread from that 
rock tied by a very long cord on which cord he put a little bell, 
so that the man of God at the sound of the bell might know when 
Romanus was offering him bread and go and get it " (id.). 

2 ' ' But the ancient enemy, ' ' continues St. Gregory, ' ' envying 
the charity of the one and the refreshment of the other, when 
upon a certain day he beheld Romanus letting down the bread, 
threw a stone and broke the little bell. Romanus, however, did 
not cease from providing for St. Benedict in appropriate ways ' ' (id). 

8 After the death of Romanus, God appeared to a certain priest 
who was making ready a meal for himself for the Easter festival 
and said, "You are preparing delicacies for yourself while my 
servant is tormented by hunger." So the priest sought St. Bene- 
dict and found him in his cave; and after prayer and holy con- 
versation the priest said, ' ' Rise, let us take food, for to-day is Eas- 


Eager the swineherds bear to the cave the food that is grateful, 
Coming with willing hearts, pleasant the food they bear. 1 

Fire is by fire overcome, with sharp thorns tearing the body, 
Flesh is by spirit subdued, fire is by fire overcome. * 

Deadly the poison concealed, yet, perceived from afar by the 
shrewd one, 

Brooked not the sign of the cross deadly the poison con- 
cealed. 8 

ter." Since Benedict lived far from men he did not know that 
the Easter festival was on that day, but the priest again affirmed 
it, saying, " Truly to-day is the day of Easter, of the Resurrection 
of our Lord. It is not at all fitting for thee to fast and I have 
been sent for this purpose that we may partake together of the 
gifts of God Almighty." Then blessing God, they took food (id). 

1 The neighboring shepherds (or swineherds), discover St. Bene- 
dict in his concealment and supply the meagre food required by 
the hermit (id). 

1 St. Benedict when at Sublacus was tempted by an evil spirit 
(which came to him in the form of a blackbird) with the recollec- 
tion of a beautiful woman, whereupon he rushed from his cave 
and flung himself naked into a thicket of briers and nettles. There- 
upon the fiends left him and he was never again beset with the 
same temptation. St. Gregory says, " Since he burned well with- 
out in his penances, he extinguished what was burning unlawfully 
within " (id. ch. 2). 

8 While Benedict was at Sublacus, a neighboring society of 
monks sent to request that he would place himself at their head. 
He yielded upon great persuasion and by the strictness of his life 
and rule filled them with rage, until one of them offered him poison 
in a cup of wine. Benedict blessed it with the sign of the cross, 
and the glass vessel in which it was contained was broken as if by 
a stone. Benedict then returned to his cave (id. ch. 3). 

POEMS. 397 

Gentle reproving of scourges steadies the wandering spirit, 
Gently the blows of the scourge roaming destruction avert. 1 

Forth from the native rock, flows water in streams never 

Waters the hearts that are dry ever unfailing the stream. 2 

1 In one of the monasteries in the neighborhood, one of the 
brothers had an aversion to long prayers, and with a wandering 
disposition went out and busied himself with earthly and transi- 
tory things. After he had been admonished by the abbot he was 
brought to Benedict, who reproved him earnestly. For two days 
he observed the injunctions of the man of God but on the third 
day he went back to his old habit and began to wander at the time 
of prayer. Benedict came to the monastery and noticed that a 
little black boy was pulling the monk by the border of his garment. 
"Then he said secretly to Pompeianus the father of the monastery 
and to Maurus the servant of God ' Do you not see who it is that 
is drawing the monk outside ? ' And they answered and said, 
' No." And he said to them, ' We will pray that you also may see 
whom that monk is following. ' And when they had prayed for 
two days the monk Maurus saw, but Pompeianus, the father of that 
monastery could not see. On another day then after prayers, the 
man of God went forth from the monastery and found the monk 
standing outside and struck him with a switch for the blindness 
of his heart and he from that day submitted to no further per- 
suasion from the black boy, but remained immovable in his as- 
siduity in prayer. ' ' 

2 Many came to Sublacus to serve God, drawn by the fame of 
Benedict's sanctity and miracles. He directed them to construct 
twelve monasteries in each of which he placed twelve disciples 
with a superior (ch. 3). On one occasion certain monks came to 
complain to him that three of the monasteries were in want of 
water. Benedict by his prayers procured a fountain which gushed 
forth and flowed down the mountain side (ch. 5). 


Steel from the handle torn, thou seekest the deepest abysses, 
Steel, thou desertest the depths, seeking the surface again. 1 

Bearing the father's commands, he flees and lives on the waters, 
Borne by the waters he runs, bearing the father's commands. 

Prompt to his master's bidding, the waves to him offered a 

While he in ignorance ran, offered the waters a path. 

Little lad, thou too art seized by the waves, yet perishest 

Truthful witness art thou, little lad ready at hand.' 

1 At another time says Gregory, a certain Goth, poor in spirit 
came for conversion, whom Benedict the man of God received 
most willingly. On a certain day indeed he ordered that an iron 
tool be given to him, which from its likeness to a sickle (Jalx) 
is called a brush-hook (falcastruiti), in order to cut away the 
briers from a certain place so that a garden should be made 
there. But the place which the Goth had undertaken to clear 
lay above the shore of a lake. And when that Goth was cutting 
away the thicket of thorns with the exertion of all his strength, 
the iron, springing forth from the handle, fell into the lake where 
the depth of the water was so great that there was no hope of 
getting back the tool. * * * Then Benedict the man of God 
hearing these things went to the lake. He took the handle from 
the hand of the Goth and cast it into the lake and presently the 
iron came back from the bottom and went into the handle, and 
straightway he returned the iron tool to the Goth saying "See, 
work and do not grieve " (ch. 6). 

1 These three distichs refer to Maurus and Placidius, two boys 
who were brought by their fathers, Equitiusand Tertulius, to Bene- 
dict to be instructed (ch. 3). They became the chief disciples of St. 
Benedict, and were afterwards canonized. Placidius, while yet a 
child, in going to draw water, fell into a lake. Benedict, who 
was praying in his cell, had a revelation of the danger, and sent 
Maurus in all haste to help him. Maurus rushed to his assistance, 

POEMS. 399 

Hearts that are faithless groan, spurred on by malignant in- 
centives ; 
Flaming with torrents of hell, hearts that are faithless groan. 1 

Beareth the raven with talons obliging the food that is offered ; 
Bidden, the raven bears far off the terrible food. 2 
Holy the bosom that mourns for a foe overthrown by destruc- 
Holy the bosom that mourns when his disciple exults. 8 

Seeking the Liris' sweet places, full splendid the train that 

attends thee ; 
Prompted from heaven thou art, seeking the Liris' fair site.* 

and without knowing it, trod the water as if it had been dry land 
(ch. 7). Benedict attributed this miracle to the obedience of 
Maurus, but Maurus disclaimed all merit. The boy Placidius as 
the "truthful witness" now appeared and declared that he had 
seen the garb of the saint above his head when he was drawn 
from the water (id.) 

1 The wicked priest Florentius, who was filled with jealousy and 
envy at the superior holiness of the saint, endeavored to blacken 
his reputation, and at last attempted his life by sending him a 
poisoned loaf (ch. 8). 

2 Benedict, when the poisoned loaf was given him, being aware 
of the treachery, threw it upon the ground and commanded a tame 
raven to carry it away and place it beyond the reach of any living 
creature, which was done (id.) 

3 After the attempt was made upon his life, the saint departed 
from Sublacus, but scarcely had he left the place when Maurus, 
his faithful disciple, sent a messenger to tell him that his enemy 
Florentius had been crushed by the fall of a gallery of his house. 
Benedict wept for Florentius, and imposed a penance on Maurus 
for an expression of triumph at the judgment which had overtaken 
their enemy (ch. 8). 

* Benedict at last left Sublacus and proceeded to Monte Cassino, 


Serpent accursed ! thou ravest, despoiled of thy grove and thy 

altars ! 
Banished the crowd that adored ! Curst serpent, how dost 

thou rave ! ' 

Impious sitter ! Depart ! To the walls let marbles be given ! 
Thou art constrained by command ! Impious sitter depart ! 2 

Greedy the fire that is seen arising in flashes deceitful ; 
Bright jewel ! Not by thy eyes fire that consumeth is seen.' 

a delightful spot, where he afterwards established the parent Bene- 
dictine monastery of Italy. At the foot of Monte Cassino flowed 
the river Liris. (ch. 8, Waitz). Paul tells us (I, 26) that two 
angels in the shape of young men came to Benedict at the cross- 
roads and pointed out the way, also that he went thither by 
divine admonition. 

1 A temple to Apollo stood in a consecrated grove near the 
summit of Monte Cassino, where a nest of idolaters still worshiped 
the god, or, as he was then regarded, the demon. Benedict, who 
had heard of this abomination, came to the place, preached 
Christianity, converted the worshipers, broke the statue, threw 
down the altar, burned the consecrated grove, and built two 
chapels, one to St. John the Baptist and the other to St. Martin of 
Tours, on the spot where the god was worshiped. The ' ' old 
enemy," as Gregory calls him, did not bear this in silence, but 
appeared before the blessed father very hideous and infuriated, 
and seemed to rave against him with flaming eyes, first calling 
him "Benedict" (blessed), and when he would not answer 
"Maledict" (accursed) (ch. 8). 

"While the monks were building their monastery, a stone lay 
in the midst of them which they determined to lift into the build- 
ing, but it was so immovable that it seemed evident that the "old 
enemy" was sitting upon it. The "man of God" was sent for, 
and when he had come and prayed and given his benediction, it 
was "lifted with such speed as if it had no weight before " (ch. 9). 

8 In digging the foundations of Monte Cassino, a bronze idol was 

POEMS. 401 

While they are building the wall, the flesh of a brother is 

mangled , 
But his preserver is there, while they are building the wall. 1 

Things that were hid are revealed, the greedy exposed to the 

daylight ; 
Gifts that are secretly ta'en, quickly to him are revealed. 1 

discovered, from which issued a supernatural fire that to the 
brothers seemed if it would burn up the kitchen. They threw 
water on it and tried to put it out. When Benedict came, 
attracted by the tumult, he found that this fire existed only in the 
eyes of the monks, and was not visible to him. Whereupon he 
delivered them from the illusion of the fancied fire (ch. 10). 

1 One of the monks who was. assisting in building the monastery 
was crushed, and was brought to St. Benedict, who prayed earn- 
estly, restored him, and sent him back to his work safe and sound 
(ch. ii). 

1 It was the custom of the monastery that whenever the monks 
went out on any business, they should not partake of food and 
drink away from the convent. One day when they remained 
later than usual, they took refreshment at the house of a nun, and 
when they returned and asked the blessing of the saint, he in- 
quired, "Where did you eat?" and they answered, "Nowhere," 
and he said to them, " Why do you lie ? Did you not enter the 
dwelling of such a woman ? Did you not take this and that food ? 
Did you not drink so many goblets ?' ' and when they saw he knew 
all they fell trembling at his feet and confessed (ch. 12). Much 
the same thing occurred to the brother of the monk Valentinian, 
who came fasting to Benedict, but was tempted to eat on the way 
by a companion accompanying him to the monastery (ch. 13). 
Also on one occasion St. Benedict sent one of his disciples to a 
company of nuns to deliver an exhortation. The nuns begged the 
monk to accept some handkerchiefs they had made, and he hid 
them in his bosom. On his return to the monastery Benedict 
asked "Why have you suffered iniquity to enter into your bosom ?" 


Tyrant cruel and fell ! the snares of thy fraud are defeated ; ! 
Tyrant stern ! thou receiv'st bridle and curb for, thy life ! * 

Towering walls of Numa never shall foe overthrow them ; 
Whirlwinds he says shall destroy Numa's towering walls.* 

The monk could not tell what the saint referred to. Benedict 
added, ' ' Was I not with you when you received the handker- 
chiefs from the nuns and hid them in your bosom ?' ' The monk 
fell at the feet of the abbot, repented his foolish act and threw 
away the handkerchiefs (ch. 19). 

1 Totila, king of the Goths, hearing that Benedict possessed the 
spirit of prophecy, and desiring to prove him, attired Riggo, his 
armor-bearer, in the royal garments and sent him with an escort 
to the monastery. Benedict seeing him coming cried out, ' ' Put 
off, my son, those borrowed trappings ; they are not thine own " 
(ch. 14). 

1 Totila thereupon went in person to visit the saint, who chided 
him for his evil deeds, told him that he would enter Rome, that 
he would pass across the sea (to Sicily), and would reign nine 
years, but would die upon the tenth, all of which occurred (ch. 
1 5). Totila was held by the Romans of the Eastern empire to be 
a usurper, a cruel tyrant, etc. His actual character shines brightly 
in contrast with that of Justinian, against whom his wars were 

This prophecy by Benedict was: "Rome shall not be ex- 
terminated by the heathen, but, worn out by tempests and whirl- 
winds and an earthquake, shall decay of itself ' ' (ch. 1 5). The 
prediction relates to Totila' s project of capturing Rome. Rome 
was in fact taken by Totila in 546, retaken by Belisarius in 547, 
taken again by Totila in 549, and retaken by Narses in 552 (Gib- 
bon, ch. 43). On the occasion of its first capture by Totila he 
actually demolished, it is said, one-third of the walls, and issued a 
decree that Rome should be changed into a pasture for cattle, but 
on the remonstrance of Belisarius he spared the city. Gregory 
insists that Benedict's prophecy was fulfilled (ch. 15). 

POEMS. 403 

Grievous the foe to chastise thee for offering gifts at the altar ; 
Gifts to the altars thou bring'st grievous the foe to chastise. 1 

It was foreknown that the sheepfolds should be to the heathen 

delivered ; 
That same heathen race all of the sheepfolds restores.* 

Servant, friend of deceit, thou art tempted by serpent alluring ; 
Not by the serpent entrapped, servant and friend of deceit. 3 

Hush ! spirit swollen with pride ! Be silent ! carp not, for he 

sees thee ! 
All things are known to the seer. Hush ! spirit swollen with 

pride ! 4 

1 A certain priest possessed of a devil was brought to St. Bene- 
dict and healed, but was warned never to exercise the duties of 
his holy office, or he would be again delivered into the power of 
the devil. After some years, he neglected the warning and 
undertook again his sacred functions, whereupon the devil again 
took possession of him, and did not cease to torment him (ch. 16). 

2 Benedict predicted that his convent should pass into the hands 
of the Arian Langobards, by whom (after they had become con- 
verted to the Catholic faith) Monte Cassino was restored and the 
whole Benedictine order was greatly favored (ch. 17, see Waltz's 

3 A man of high condition sent St. Benedict two flasks of wine 
but the servant who carried them stole one and hid it. When he 
delivered the other at the monastery the saint said to him ' ' See, 
my son, that you don't drink out of the flask you have hidden, but 
turn it over carefully and you will find what it has inside." The 
man did so and a serpent came forth. The servant afterwards 
became brother " Exhilaratus " (ch. 18). 

* Once when St. Benedict was at supper, a monk who held a 
lamp in front of the table began silently to reflect in a spirit of 
pride and to say to himself "Who is this man whom I must at- 
tend while he eats and hold his lamp and render him service, and 


Famine is driven away by nourishment coming from heaven ; 
Gloomy hunger of mind also is driven away. 1 , 

Bodiless, seen by the spirit, all hearts are amazed at thy 

presence ; 
Counseling things thou discern 'st hearts with amazement are 

dumb. 2 

who am I that serve him ? ' ' And the saint turned to him at once 
and began to reproach him earnestly saying, ' ' Cross your heart, 
brother ! What is it you are saying ? Cross your heart." And he 
called the brothers together and directed that the lamp should be 
taken from his hands and that he should withdraw from this 
service and sit down quietly. And when the man was asked 
what he had in his heart, he told them and it was clear to all that 
nothing could be hidden from St. Benedict (ch. 20). 

1 At another time there was a famine in Campania, and wheat 
was lacking in the monastery so that only five loaves of bread 
could be found. And when Benedict saw that the monks \vere 
troubled, he strove by modest reproofs to remove their weak fears 
and promised that on the following day they should have an 
abundance. And indeed on the next day two hundred measures 
of flour were found in sacks at the gates of the monastery, sent 
from God Almighty by an unknown hand. When the monks saw 
this, they gave thanks to the Lord and now learned that even when 
in want they should not doubt of abundance (ch. 21). 

1 Benedict had been asked to build a monastery near the city of 
Tarracina, and sending certain disciples of his thither, he ap- 
pointed over them a father superior and one second in authority, 
and promised them that on a certain day he would come and show 
them in what place they should build the chapel, in what place 
the refectory, etc. They made due preparation to receive him, 
and in the night preceding the promised day, he appeared to the 
father superior and to his superintendent in their dreams and told 
them minutely where they should build everything. Still they 
looked for him to come, and when he did not, they went to him to 

POEMS. 405 

At the command of thy voice they scorn to bridle their gossip. 
Forth from the tombs they flee at the command of thy voice. 1 

They at command of thy voice from the sacred rites are for- 
bidden ; 
Present they are at these rites at the command of thy voice.* 

Earth from its open breast drives forth the sepulchered body ; 
Earth when commanded by thee , keeps in her bosom the corpse. 3 

make inquiry. And he answered " Did I not come as I prom- 
ised." And they said, "When did you come?" and he replied, 
' ' Did I not come to each of you in your dreams and point out to 
you each of the places ? Go and build every building as you heard 
in your vision. ' ' And hearing these things they wondered greatly 
and built the dwellings as they had been taught in the dream 
(ch. 22). 

x Two certain ladies of a religious sisterhood were given to 
scandalous talk, and Benedict sent them word that if they did not 
keep guard over their tongues he would excommunicate them. 
But they continued in their evil ways and died and were buried in 
church. Afterwards when mass was celebrated, as the officiating 
deacon, uttered the usual words, ' ' Let those who are excommuni- 
cated depart ' ' they were seen to rise from their graves and go out 
of church (ch. 23). 

* That is, they rose from their graves at every mass until St. 
Benedict offered a sacrifice for them, after which they remained in 
the tomb (id.). 

8 A certain novice who loved his parents more than he ought, 
one day went home from the monastery without a benediction and 
died, and when he was buried on the following day, his body was 
found cast forth from the tomb, and he was buried again. This 
occured a second time, whereupon they besought St. Benedict in 
tears that he would deign to bestow his grace upon the body. He 
gave them the host and told them to place it upon the corpse. 
When this was done the body remained in the tomb (ch. 24). 


Faithless the heart of the dragon that lures the truant to hasten, 1 
While the treacherous fiend stops his prohibited, way. 

Deadly the foul distemper that stripped the head of its honor ; 
At his command it departs noisome and deadly disease ! * 

Gold has the holy man none, yet promises all to the needy, 
Promises all and draws coins of bright metal from heav'n ! 5 

Thou to be pitied ! With skin by the gall of a serpent dis- 
colored ! 
Wretched one ! Sound and whole , quickly thy skin is restored.* 

1 A certain monk of restless spirit would not remain in the com- 
munity, and St. Benedict, annoyed and offended by his impor- 
tunities, ordered him to depart. When he went out of the monas- 
tery a dragon with open mouth stood in his way and attempted 
to devour him, whereupon he called aloud to the monks to run to his 
assistance. WTien they did so they could not see the dragon, but 
they led the monk back to the monastery trembling with fear. 
He promised never to depart again and kept his promise (ch. 25). 

* A boy had been seized with a leprosy so that his hair fell off 
and his skin was swollen and he could no longer conceal his di- 
seased humors. He was brought by his father to Benedict and 
speadily healed (ch. 26). 

8 A poor man owed twelve solidi which he was unable to pay 
and applied in his distress to St. Benedict who said he had not so 
large a sum, but asked the man to come again in two days. The 
man returned at the time appointed and thirteen solidi were found 
on a box in the monastery which was full of grain. St. Benedict 
gave the whole to the man for his debt and his present needs 
(ch. 27). 

4 Poison was given to a certain man by his enemy in a potion, 
and although he did not die, his skin changed color so that he 
resembled a leper. He was brought to St. Benedict who restored 
him and removed the discoloration (ch. 27). 

POEMS. 407 

Glass is dashed on the rocks and yet they are powerless to 

break it ; 
Kept by the rugged rocks, safely the gkss is preserved. 1 

Cellarer, why dost thou fear to offer a drop from the oil flask? 
Look ! the great jars overflow ! Cellarer why dost thou fear? J 

Where is the healing for thee, and why is no hope of salvation ; 
Thou who dost ever destroy, where is the healing for thee? 3 

Old man worthy of tears ! thou fallest by blow of the foeman, 
But by a blow thou reviv'st ancient one worthy of tears ! * 

Barbarous thongs encircle the hands that are guiltless of evil, 
Hands that escape of themselves, slipping from barbarous 
thongs. 5 

1 During a time of famine Agapitus, a sub-deacon of Monte Cas- 
sino, applied to St. Benedict for oil. There was then in the monas- 
tery only a few dregs at the bottom of a glass bottle. Benedict 
commanded the cellarer to give what there was, but the latter did 
not obey the order. When St. Benedict heard this he ordered the 
bottle thrown out of the window upon the rocks, but the bottle was 
not broken nor the oil spilled (ch. 28). 

1 He then assembled the whole house in full chapter and re- 
proved the cellarer and when the chapter broke up, a huge jar 
which had been empty began to overflow with oil (ch. 29). 

This probably refers to the " old enemy," whom St. Benedict 
met in the shape of a mule doctor with his horns and triple foot- 
fetters (ch. 30). 

* This evil spirit found an old man drawing water, attacked him, 
threw him upon the ground and tormented him bitterly. When 
St. Benedict saw him thus cruelly treated, he gave him merely a 
box on the ear, and straightway drove out the evil spirit so that 
it did not dare to return to him (ch. 30). 

6 A certain Goth named Zalla cruelly tormented a peasant to 
extort money from him. The peasant said he had given all he 


That proud man on the horse crying with threatening clamor, 

Stretched on the ground he lies, arrogant man on the horse ! l 


Borne on the neck of his sire was the corpse of a child that 

had perished ; 
Living, the child was borne forth on the neck of his sire.* 

possessed to the keeping of St. Benedict, whereupon the Goth 
bound him with strong cords and made him run in front of his 
horse to the monastery. They found St. Benedict sitting alone 
reading, and the Goth in a threatening tone cried out, ' ' Up ! up ! I 
say, give this peasant the money you took from him." St. Bene- 
dict glanced at the peasant, whereupon the cords broke and left 
the man free, and the Goth threw himself at the feet of the saint, 
besought his prayers, and troubled the peasant no more for the 
money (ch. 31). 

1 This appears to the same miracle as the preceding distich. 

1 A certain peasant brought to the monastery the body of his 
dead child, and when he found St. Benedict was absent he laid 
the corpse down at the gate of the monastery and went to look 
for the saint and when he saw him he began to cry out, ' ' Restore 
my son ! Restore my son !" The man of God paused upon this 
word saying ' ' Did I take away your son from you ? ' ' and the 
other answered, " He is dead. Come bring him to life " Bene- 
dict asked ' ' Why do you impose burdens upon us which we can- 
not bear ? ' ' But the other, whom his great grief overcame, per- 
sisted in his petition, swearing that he would not depart unless they 
restored his son to life. Presently the servant of God asked him 
saying, "Where is he?" and he answered him, "See, his body 
lies at the gate of the monastery." When the man of God came 
with the brethren, he bent his knees and lay down over the body 
of the child and lifting himself, held his hands to Heaven saying, 
" Lord consider not my sins but the faith of this man who asks 
that his son should be brought to life, and do Thou restore to this 
little body the soul which Thou hast withdrawn." Presently he 
had finished the words of his prayer and the whole body of the 

POEMS. 409 

Love conquers all. By a storm the sister prevails o'er her 

brother. 1 
Sleep from their eyes was driven love ever conquereth all. 

Lovely with innocent charm, the form of a dove flies upward, 
Enters the kingdom of heav'n lovely with innocent charm ! 2 

O thou well fitted for God ! To thee the whole world is 

unfolded ; s 
Hidden things then dost prove , O thou well fitted for God ! 

Flaming the sphere that encircles the just man soaring to 
heaven , 

Flaming the sphere that contains him who with love is con- 
sumed. 3 

child was trembling, and under the eyes of all who were present 
it appeared to throb with a wonderful tremor and shaking, and 
presently Benedict held the boy by the hand and gave him, living 
and whole again, to his father (ch. 32). 

1 This refers to Benedict' s sister Scolastica who had devoted her- 
self to a religious life. Benedict used to visit her once a year and 
on one occasion when they had been conversing until late in the 
evening, his sister entreated him to remain till morning, but he 
refused. Scolastica then prayed that heaven would interfere 
and render it impossible for him to leave her. Immediately a 
furious tempest came on and Benedict was obliged to delay his 
departure and they held holy conversation through the night. 
Gregory explains that the sister's prayers were in this case of 
greater power than the brother's will since she had the greater 
love. It was a last meeting, as Scolastica died three days after- 
wards (ch. 33 and 34). 

J As St. Scolastica died, Benedict was praying in his cell, when 
suddenly her soul appeared to him ascending to heaven in the 
form of a dove (ch. 34). 

3 On the night that St. Germanus died, Benedict opened his case- 
ment to look at the starry heavens, and beheld a brilliant light, 


Thrice called , he is at hand , to be counted a witness of marvels ; 
Thrice called, he is at hand, dear in the love of the saint. 1 

Brave leader I warning of wars, thou confirmest our hearts by 

example ;* 
Rushing the first to arms ! brave leader warning of wars ! 

Suitable tokens he gave, life's fellowships gladly forsaking; 
Hastening to life in heaven, suitable tokens he gave. 3 

Diligent chanter of psalms, to his lute gave he never a respite ; 
Died with a song on his lips, diligent chanter of psalms ! 

Held in the same tomb they whose minds were ever united ;* 
Equal the fame that preserves those whose spirits were one ! 

brighter than at midday, and the whole world collected, as it were, 
under a single ray of the sun, and the soul of St. Germanus, bishop 
of Capua, borne by angels to heaven in a sphere of fire (ch. 35). 
1 Servandus, a deacon and abbot of a monastery in Campania, 
was visiting Monte Cassino when Benedict saw the fiery sphere, 
and was in a room in the tower of the monastery just below that 
occupied by the saint. When Benedict saw the vision, he called 
Servandus three times loudly by name, so that the latter might be 
a witness of the marvelous sight. Servandus came, but saw only 
a little part of the great light. Benedict sent to Capua and found 
that Germanus had died at the moment of the vision (ch. 35). 

* Gregory, referring to the establishment by Benedictine of the 
Rule of the Order, says that in this Rule may be found the 
model of his own life, "because he could not teach otherwise 
than he lived " (ch. 36). 

* He foretold his own death, and told the absent what sign he 
would give them when his soul should leave his body. On the 
day of his death he took the sacrament, and held by the monks, 
stood with hands lifted to heaven, and breathed his last in prayer 
(ch. 37). 

*St. Benedict and St. Scolastica were both buried at Monte 
Cassino. St. Gregory says: " Their bodies were not separated in 
the sepulcher whose minds were always one in God ' ' (ch. 34). 

POEMS. 41 1 

Splendid appeared the pathway and crowded with gleaming 

Whereon the holy one rose splendid the path that was seen. 1 

Seeking the stony enclosures, it 2 found salvation from error, 
Shunned all error and sin, seeking the cloisters of stone. 

Suppliant for a reward, thy servant has given thee verses, 
Powerless, an exile, weak, meagre the verses he gives. 

May they be fitting I pray, O guide to the paths celestial. 
Benedict, father ! I pray, may they be fitting for thee. s 

1 On the day St. Benedict died, two of his disciples at different 
places saw the same vision, a path spread with draperies and 
bright with innumerable torches, which began at the cell of St. 
Benedict and terminated in heaven, and a venerable old man, all 
glorious, said to them, " By this pathway St. Benedict, beloved of 
God, ascends to heaven," so that they knew from the sign what 
had been predicted (ch. 37). 

2 /. e. , the pathway. 

8 The versification of these so-called elegiac epanaleptical dis- 
tichs requires that the words composing the first two dactyls and 
the following long syllable at the beginning of the first line (a dac- 
tylic hexameter) shall be repeated at the end of the second line (a 
dactylic pentameter), thus composing the last half of that line. I 
have not been able to reproduce this extremely artificial verse in 
every case, but have kept as near to it as possible. This form of 
versification appears to have been first used in jest by Martial in 
the 9th Book of his Epigrams, 98, in the verses beginning : 
Rumpitur invidia quidam, carissima Juli, 
Quod me Roma legit, rumpitiir invidia. 

Bethmann (p. 278) remarks that it was afterwards employed by 
Pentadius, Sedulius, Bede and Alcuin, but still later it fell into 

Ebert suggests (Litteratur des Mitteialters, II, 55, note 4) that 
perhaps the purpose of this poem was to impress upon the memory 
of the reader a list of the miracles of St. Benedict. A knowledge 
of each particular miracle seems to have been presupposed. 


We have also composed in the following manner a hymn in 
iambic Archilochian meter containing each of the miracles of 
the same father : 

O brothers all, with eager hearts 
Come ye, with fitting melody, 
Let us enjoy the pure delights 
Of this most famous festival. 1 

Now Father Benedict the guide 
Who pointed out the narrow way, 
To the bright realms of heaven rose, 
Winning rewards for all his toils. 

Like a new star he shone, and drove 
Away the gloomy clouds of earth. 
He from the very dawn of life 
Despised the pleasures of the world. 

Of mighty power in miracles, 
Inspired by breath of the Most High, 
He shone in marvels, and foretold 
The future happenings of his age. 

Since he to many food would bear, 
The small bread vessel he repairs ; 
Sought for himself a narrow cell, 
And fires by fires he sternly quenched. 

The goblet which the poison bore 
He broke by holy sign of cross ; 
The roaming spirit he constrained 
By gentle scourging of the flesh. 

*The festival of St. Benedict occuring March 21. 

POEMS. 413 

The streams gush forth from out the rocks ; 
The steel returns from out the depths, 
Coursing compliant through the waves ; 
The boy by the saint's garb shuns death. 1 

The hidden poison is revealed ; 
The bird fulfills the saint's commands ; 
Destruction overcomes his foe ; 
The roaring lion perforce departs.* 

The stubborn mass is moved with ease ; * 
The fire fantastic disappears ; 
Unto the mangled, health returns ; 
Sin of the absent stands revealed. 

O crafty ruler, thou art caught ! 
Wicked possessor, thou dost flee ! 4 
Deeds of the future , ye are known ! 
Heart, thou dost hide 5 no secret things ! 

The buildings are laid out in dreams ; 8 
The earth casts forth the buried corpse ; 
The wand'rer is by dragon stayed ; 
The gold coins fall in rain from heaven. 

1 When Placidus was saved from drowing in the lake he claimed 
that he had seen the melote (monk's garb of skins) of St. Bene- 
dict (Dialogues II, ch. 7; see Du Cange). 

2 This probably refers to the heathen worship suppressed by 
Benedict at Monte Cassino. 

3 This refers to the stone which the devil rendered immovable 
when the monks were building the monastery. 

*Totila departed greatly alarmed at Benedict's prophecies 
(ch. 15). 

5 Read contegis for contigis. 
8 The monastery of Tarracina. 


The glass resists the rugged rocks ; 
The great jars overflow with oil ; t 
Thy glance releases one in bonds ; 
Bodies of dead recover life. 

The power of such a radiant light 
By sister's prayer is overcome ; 
And who loves more can better sail 
His bark than he who sees the pole. 

A splendor through night's darkness gleamed 
To former ages quite unknown, 
Wherein a whole globe is beheld, 
And upward drawn by flames, a saint. 

Amid these wonders, fame he won 
With the soft lute, like nectar sweet ; 
And for his followers he sketched 
Fitly the line of holy life. 1 

To thy disciples, leader strong, 
Be present now ! we sigh for thee. 
Shunning the serpent, we would grow 
In virtues following thy steps ! 

1 He promulgated the famous Rule of the Order, which became 
the general law of the monks of the Western Empire, and gave to 
monasticism its definite form (see ch. 36). 



The authorities cited are not included in this index, except in Appendix II, where 
they are considered as the sources of Paul's history. 
The notes are indexed as well as the text. 

Aaghe (Aio), 5 
Abbreviations of references, ix 
Abel, references explained, ix 
Ablative, used for other cases, 

xxxiii, xxxiv 
Accusative, used for other cases, 

xxxiii, xxxiv, xli 
Acerenza, Acerentia (Agerentia), 

77, 219, 382 
Acqui (Aquis), 72, 88 
Actionarii, 164 
Actor, Actores, 90, 116 
"Acts of the Langobards," by 

Secundus, 325, 340, 342, 343, 352 
Adalulf, 191 
Adaloald, 135, 168, 170, 173, 190, 

191, 194,321, 353- 354 
Adda, Addua, 71, 245, 249 
Adelchis, xx 
Adelheid, xxvi 
Adelperga, xvii, xxxv 
Adeodatus, 395 
Ad Fontanas, 192 
Adige (Athesis), 126, 143, 144 
Ado, 252, 266 
Adrian (abbot), 235 
Adrian, bishop of Pola, 133 
Adrian, church of the martyr, 306 
Adriatic (Hadriatic), 10, 53, 65, 

75, 76, 381,382 
Aelius Bassu's, 24 
Aemilia (Emilia), 74, 75, 77, 366, 

37p, 379, 380, 384 
Aemilian way, 232 
Aenenas, 22 

Africa, 46, 179, 224, 225,258, 287, 

371, 373, 374 
Agapitus, sub-deacon, 407 
Agatho, duke of Perugia, 292, 298 
Agatho, pope, 253, 254 
Agelmund, Agilmund, 25 to 27, 29, 

Agerentia (Acerenza), 76, 219 
Agilulf (Ago), 71, 130, 141, 149 to 
152, 154 to 160, 162, 163, 165, 
167, 168 to 170, 173 to 175, 
177, 189 to 193, 321, 342, 352 to 

355, 358, 359 
Agio, Aggo (see Aio), 5, 327, 328, 

347, 348 
Agiprand, 302 

Agnellus, bishop of Acilum, 133 
Agnellus, bishop of Tridentum, 133, 

144, 151, 353, 356 
Ago, duke of Friuli, 87, 205, 227 
Ago (see Agilulf), 151, 152, 190, 


Aguntum (Innichen), 58, 69, 189 
Aio (Agio, Aggo, Aaghe), duke of 

the Winnili, 5, II, 15, 24 to 26, 

327, 328 

Aio, duke of Benevento, 198, 199 
Aistulf (Ahistulf), 271, 295, 301, 

302, 310, 311,312 
Aix (Aquae Sextiae), 101 
Alahis, 87, 239, 240, 241 to 249, 

Alamanni, 54, 58, 72, 118, 126, 

184, 359, 380 
Alani, 328, 373 



Alba Pompeia, 88 

Albis (Elbe), 68 

Alboin, Albuin, 42 to 45, 49 to 53, 
53, 61 to 66, 68, 71, 80 to 84, 93, 
112, 319, 329, 335, 336, 339, 

340, 343. 356, 357 
Albsuinda (Alpsuinda), 49, 84, 85, 

329. 336 
Alcuin, xxvi 
Alderney (Evodia), 10 
Aldihoc (Hildeoc), son of Lethuc, 

3. 3 28 
Alnius, Aldio, Aldii, the "half free," 

23, 89, 92, 115, 195, 196 
Alclo, 241 to 245, 256, 257 
AlJones, Aldonus, 23 
Alexandria, 226, 279 
Alichis, duke of Brescia, 87 
Alliteration of Origo, 344, 347 
Alpsuinda (Albsuinda), 49, 84, 85 
Alsuca (Val Sugana), 143 
Allino, Chronicle of, 356 
Altinum (Altino), 58, 133, 145 
Alzeco, duke of the Bulgarians, 234 
Amalafrid, 43 
Amalong, 223 
Amator, bishop, 294 
Amatus, 96 

Amazons, 27, 28, 31, 334 
Ambri, leader of the Wandals, 12, 

332, 346, 347 
Ambrose, the Confessor, church of, 


Ambrosius, xxxii 
Ameria (Amelia), 154, 299 
Amingus, 54, 55, 373 
Amiternum (San Vettorino), 76, 382 
Amo, 100 to 102, 319 
Amtalas, xxx, 46, 373~374. 377 
Anagnis, 102, 352 
Anagratis, 192 
Anaulf, king of Persia, 323 
Anastasius II (Artemius), emperor, 

277, 279, 280, 369, 372 
Anastasius, Arian, bishop of Tici- 

num, 195 

Anastasius, martyr, 304 
Anastasius, patriarch Constantinople, 

293 371 

Anawas, 330 
Ancona, 75, 301 
Andegavi (Angers), 284 
Andreas (valet of Conslans), 225 
Andrew, St., Monastery of, 129 
Angelram, Angilram, bishop of 

Metz, xxvii, 263 
Angels of pestilence, 255 
Angels, 19, 128, 131, 235, 280, 372 
Angers (Andegavi), 284, 324 
Anglo-Saxons, 1 8, 1 66, 240, 261 

Similarities to Langobards, 316 
Anna, wife of Godescalc, 301 
Annals, xxxv, xlii, 71 
Annals of Ravenna, 376 
Anschis (Ansegis), 266, 324 
Ansegranus, 18 
Anselm, 87 

Ansfrit, duke of Friuli, 87, 252 
Ansprand, 264, 265, 277, 279, 281 
Ansul, 141, 357 
Antae, 22 

Anthaib (Anthab), 22, 328, 339 
Antistes, 175 
Anthony, trustee of church of Grado, 


Aosta, 102 

Aper, abbot, xxviii, 70 
Apocrisarius, 128 
Apollinaris, bishop, 121 
Appa, 1 80 
Apennine Alps, 73 to 75, 365, 379, 

381 to 384, 386 
Appian Way, 146 
Appianum (I loch Eppan), 143 
Apollo, temple of, 400 
Apsimarus (see Tiberius III), 367 
Apulia, 76, 77, 219, 366, 379, 382 
Aquae, Aquae Sextiae, Aquinses, 101 
Aquila (Furcona), 76 
Aquileia, 66, 67, 71, 112, 121, 124, 

I3L 133. 176,227,260, 276,355, 

372, 380 

Aquileia, Synod of, 372 to 373 
Aquis (Acqui, Aquae, Statiellae), 72, 


Aquitaine, 9, 104, 287 
Aquo, 330. See Agilulf. 
Arabia, Arabs, 8, 369, 372 



Arator, poet, 47, 375 

Arce (Arx), 271 

A/chilochian meter, 48, 412 

Arelate (Aries), 101, 296 

Arga, 267 

Argait, 267 to 269 

Ari (prefix), 87 

Arian heresy, 125, 194, 195 

Arichis I (Arigis, Arogis), duke 

of Beneventum, 155, 163 to 165, 

189, 198, 358, 362 
Arichis II, duke of Beneventum, 

xvii to xxviii, 313 
Arichis, son of Romuald, 232 
Arichis, Paul's grandfather, xvi, 186 
Arichis, Paul's brother, xvi, xx, 186 
Arigis (see Arichis I), 163 to 165 
Ariminum (Rimini), 77, 297 
Arioald (Ariopalf), 170, 188, 190 

to 191, 193, 321, 323 
Aripert I, 202, 205, 209, 236, 240, 

Aripert II, 264 to 266, 272, 278 to 

279, 35 368 
Aripert (Charibert), king of the 

Franks, 66 
Ariulf, duke of Spoleto, 130, 155 

to 156, 1 60 to 162, 358 
Aries (Arelate), 101, 296 to 297 
Armenia, 217 

Arminius (Hermann), 12 to 14 
Arnefrit, 230 
Arnulf, St., xxii, xxvi, xxxii, 262 

to 263, 323 

Aroal, 330. See Arioald. 
Arodus, 193, 331 
Arogis (see Arichis, Arigis), 164 

to 165 
Arrow, symbol of emancipation, 

21, 333 

Artemius (Anastasius II), 277 
Artenia (Artegna), 180 
Arverni (Clermont), 99 
Arx (Arce), 271 
Arx (Monte Cassino), 48 
Asculus (Ascoli), 75, 381 
Asfeld, 44 
Asse, 19 
Assi, 12, 332, 346 to 347 

Assipiti, 19, 333, 338 

Asta (Asti), 87, 189, 213, 217 

Aternus, 364 

Athanagild, 104 

Athens, 218 

Athesis (Adige), 126 

Atli (Attila, Etzel), 105 

Ato, 264 

"At the Poles," 238, 300 

Atto, 205, 227 

Audoachari (see Odoacar), 328 

Audoin (Auduin, Eadwin), 41 to 

43 49. 53> 84, 329. 335 
Auduald, 142 

Aufidena (Aufidianum), 76, 382 
Aufusus, 305 
Augusta (Augsburg), 70 
Augustine, St., 129, 288, 369, 372 
Augustus, II, 12, 13 
Aurelia, 72, 75, 380 
Aureliani (Aurelianenses, Orleans), 

67, 251,279 
Aureus, 142 
Aurona, 266, 293 
Ausonia (Italy), 70, 79, 365 
Ausonus, 79 
Austrasia, 103 to 104, 106, 136 to 


Austria, 90, 199, 245 to 246 

Austrigusa, 40, 328, 335 

Autari, Authari, 71, 113 to 114, 117, 
119, 134, 136 to 141, 145 to 150, 
170, 320, 330, 341, 357to358 

Autpert, abbot of St. Vincent, xxxii, 
283, 363 

Auximun (Osimo), 293 

Avars, xv, 50, 62, 65, 67, 120, 
152, 158, 159; 165, 167 to 168, 
170 to 184, 207, 209, 2i8 to 229, 
308, 323. 335. 336 354 to 355, 

Avignon, 100, 297 

Avisio, 143 

Badrinus (Padoreno?), I2O 

Baduarius, 112 

Bagnarea (Balneus Regis), 174 

Baian, 50 

Baias (Baiohaim), 19 



Bainaib (Banthaih), 22, 328 
Balneus Regis (Bagnarea), 174 
Bamberg-Oxford manuscript of Origo 
Gentis Langobardorum, 383 to 


Bandum (vando), 37, 328, 349 
Banthaib (Bainaib, Banthab), 22, 

328, 339 

Baodolinus, 304 to 305 
Baptism of Cesara, 204 
Barbarisms, in Paul's works, xxxii 

to xxxiv, xli 

Bardanis (Filippicus), 275, 276, 372 
Bardengau, 4, II, 22 to 24, 120 
Bardi (Langobards), 120 
Bardo's Alp (Bardi), 233, 304 
Bardowick, II, 120 
"Bards," 18 
Barta, 18 
Bauch, 373 

Bauzanum (Botzen), 239 
Bavaria, Bavarians, 52, 58, 65, 105, 

137 to 140, 150, 154, 158, 184- 

189, 239, 252, 265, 277, 285, 

308, 35310355, 357 
Bebius (Vesuvius), 258 
Bede's Chronicle, xxxvii, 320, 360, 

367 to 370, 372 to 373, 376 to 379 
Beleo, Beleos, race of, 86, 330 
Belgic Gaul, 8 
Belisarius, 39, 41, 45 to 46, 54, 56, 

Bellinzona (Bilitio), 142 
Belluno, Bellunum, 88, 133, 270 
Benacus, Lake, 55, 71, 365 
Benedict, archbishop of Milan, 261, 

272 to 273, 370 
Benedict I, pope, 67, 108, 121, 124, 

128, 367 
Benedict, St., xix, xxi, xxix, xxxv, 

47 to 49, 162 to 163, 251, 282, 

283, 361 to 362, 367, 387 
Benedict, St., poems in honor of, 

v ', 393-414 

Benedictio, 242 

henedietus, 393 

Beneventum, Benevento, Bene- 
ventines, 66, 76, 79, S3 1.1 ( o, 
112, 145 to 146, 155, 163, 188, 

198 to 2OO, 2O7, 2O9, 219 to 22O, 
222 tO 223, 226 to 227, 232, 234, 

237, 250, 283, 292, 293, 300 to 

301, 33 38, 35 J , 3 82 
Bercetum, 304 
Bergamus, Bergamo ( Bergoma, 

Pergamus), 71, 78, 87 to 88, 152, 

257, 265, 373 
Berich, 30 

Berre, battle of river, 324 
Bersello (Brescello, Brexillus), 171 
Berthari (see Perctarit), 331 
Berto, 302 
Bertrada, 313 
Bethmann, v, ix, xv, 337, 339, 351, 


Bieda (Blera), 299 
Bilitio (Bellinzona), 142 
Billo, 270 
Biorgor, 373 
Birten (Vetera), 2 
Bleckede, II 
Blera (Bieda), 299 
Blues, in the circus (Veneti), 178, 

3^6, 377 
Bluhme, 351 
Bobbio (Bobium, Bovium), 72, 74, 

192, 3 6 3. 379 to 3 80 
Bodigisil, 141 to 142 
Bohemia, Boii, 12, 22 
Bojano (Boviamum), 234 
Bologna (Bononia), 74, 292 to 293, 

298, 379 

Bomarzo (Polimartiune), 154, 299 
Boniface, notary, 173 
Boniface III, pope, 177 
Boniface IV, pope, 178, 193 
Bonitus, Abbot, 163 
Bononia (Bologna), 74, 292 to 293, 

Book of the Popes (see Liber 

Pontificalis), xxvii 
Boonia (Bononia), 381 
Bord, 18 

Borgo Bressana (Broxas?), 231 
Botzen (Bauzanum), 143 to 144, 239 
Bovianum (Bojano), 234 
Bovium (see Bobbio), 381 
Bremtonicum, Brentonico, 143 



Brenner (see Breones, Briones, 

Brenti), 55, 153 
Brennus, 77, 364 
Brentonico, Brentonicum, 143 
Brescello (Brexillus, Bresello), 87, 

118, 171 
Brescia, Brexia, 78, 87 to 88, 240, 

282, 294 
Brexillum, 357 
Brexillus (Brescello, Bresello), 87, 

118, 171 

Briones (Breones, Brenti), 55, 153 
Brischis (Broxas), 230 to 231 
Britain, 9, 131, 235 to 237, 262, 

280, 368, 370 

Britlia (Bruttium), 73, 366, 381 
Britti, 164 

Brixia (see Brexia), 78 
Brook of the Franks, 217 
Broxas, 230 

Bruckner, iv, x, 344, 351 
Brundisium, Brindisi, 77, 250, 382 
Brunhild, 105 to 106 
Brunihild ( Brunicheldis, Bruni- 

childis), 68, 103 to 106, 136, 

151, 159, 192,319 
Bruttium (see Brittia, the present 

Calabria, 73, 366, 379 
Buccellinus, xxx, 54, 319, 373 to 374 
Buffaloes, 354 
Bug, 22 
Bulgarians, 22, 29 to 31, 80, 234, 

273. 288, 334, 369 
Burgundaib (Vurgundaib), 22 to 

23, 328, 339 

Burgundians, 22 to 23, 96 to 97 
Burgundy, 103 
Busseto, Buxeta, 293 
Butilin (see Buccelinus), 54 
Byrrus (Rienz), 69 

Cabillonum, 148 

Cacco, 87, 180 to 181, 187, 233 

Cagan (Chagan, Khan) of Avars, 

50, 158 to 159, 165, 167, 170, 

179, 181, 183, 207, 209 to 210, 

228 to 229, 353 to 354 
Calabria (Bruttium, Brittia), 73, 164, 

224, 379. 3 82 

Calabria (modern Apulia), 76 
Calixtus (Calistus), 90, 232, 276, 

286, 294, 367 
Callinicus (Gallicinus), 134, 156, 

159, 165, 168, 274, 368 
Calliopas, 218 
Galore (Calor), 146, 222 
Camerinum, Camerino, 160 
Campania, 55, 60, 68, 73, 75 to 76, 

225, 271, 364, 365, 370, 379, 381 

to 382, 384, 404 
Candidianus, 175 to 176 
Candidus, 24 
Cantiano (Luceolis), 154 
Cantor, 174 

Canusium (Carrosa), 76, 382 
Capua, 54 to 55, 73, 206, 222, 227, 

381, 384, 410 
Capulanus, 246 
Carantanum (Carnuntum, Carin- 

thia), 230 
Carellus, 202 

Carloman, son of Pipin, 312 to 313 
Carlo vingi an s, xxvii 
Carniola (Krain), 295 
Carnuntum (Carinthia), 230 
Carthage, 126, 141 to 142, 258, 


Carnic Alps, 65 
Carsiloli, 76, 382 
Carpathians, 22 
Casilinum (Volturnus), 55 
Cassianum, Cassano, Cassanus, 73, 

Cassinum (see Monte Cassino), 48 

to 49, 162, 251, 282 
Cassiodorus, 47, 375 
Catalogue of the provinces of Italy, 

360, 37910387 
Caupus (race of), 330 
Cavallonum (Cabillonum, Chalon- 

sur-Saone), 148 
Cedinus, 142 to 143, 145 
Cedoal (Cead walla), 261, 373 
Celano (Fucinus), 76 
Celestine, p'^pe, 122 
Celmanici (Le Mans), 251 
Cembra (Cimbra), 143 
Ceneda, Ceneta, 65, 69, 87, 233 



Cenomannici (Celmanici, Le Mans), 


Ccuta (Septem), 287 
Centenarii, 90 
Centarium, 109 
Cesena, 379 

Cesara, 203 to 204, 322 to 323 
Chalcedon, Council of, 121, 123, 

125, 132, 352 
Chalon-sur-Sa6ne (Cabillonum, Cav- 

allonum), 148 

Charibert (see Aripert), 66, 67, 103 
Charlemagne, Charles the Great, xviii 

to xx, xxii to xxix, xxxix, 8, 105, 

312 to 313, 385 
Charles Martel, 187, 281, 284 to 

285, 287, 296 to 297, 299, 308, 

310, 32410 325 
Charybdis, 9, 10 
Cherson, 275 
Cheruscans, 12, 14, 15 
Chiavenna (Clavenna), 265 
Chieti (Theate), 76 
Childebert II, Childepert, 68, 103, 

104, 117, 118, 122, 125, 126, 

13610 138, 140 to 142, 145, 147, 

149, 152, 154, 159, 319, 320, 

322, 353. 359 
Childeric, 235 
Chilperic (see Hilperic), 67, 103 to 


Chiusi, 88 

Chlotar I, 49, 51, 61, 66, 67 
Chlotar II (Clothar), 49, 160, 173, 


Chlotochar (Lothair), 103, 105 
Chlotsuinda, 49, 51, 140, 335 
Chosroes II, 205 
Chramnichis, 102, 103 
Christe Pater, poem by Charle- 
magne, xxix 

Christian chronology established, 47 
Chronicles, xxxv 
Chronicon Gothanum, 3, 331 to 

333. 335 to 338, 342, 344, 357 
Chronology of I'aul defective, 

xxxvi, xxxvii, 31 
Chur (Curia), 265 
Ciboriunt, 148 

Circus, factions, 178 

Cimbra (Cembra), 143 

Cisalpine Gaul, 77, ^78 

City Forest, 241, 244, 305 

Cividale (see Forum Julii), xv to 
xvi, 65, 71, 87, 163, 180, 205, 
228, 232, 233, 245, 276, 286, 

294. 356 
Civiias, 89 
Claffo, 33, 334 
Clarissimus, 133 
Classis, 112, 119, 120, 285, 289, 


Claudius, 14 

Clavenna (Chiavenna), 265 
Cleph, 86, 113, 330, 357 
Clermont, 99 

Clitorius (Lago di Bolsena), 73, 381 
Clothar If, 160, 173, 191, 322 
Clothar III, 235 
Clovis, 54 
Clovis II, 193 
Code of Justinian, 46, 366 
Coinage, 242 to 243 
Col de Genevie, 97 
Colonia Julia Carnia, 65 
Colonus, 92 

Columban, St., xxxii, 192, 193 
Column of Authari, 146 
Comacina (Commacina), 135, 152, 

264, 265 

Comacinus, (lake Como), 244 
Comet, 158, 175, 354 to 355, 370 
Commacchio, 292, 310, 313 
Compsa, Consia, Conza, 176 
Comum, Como, 87, 241, 244 
Concordia, 65 
Consentia, Cosentia, Cosenza, 73, 


Consia, Conza, 176 
Constans II (Constantino IV), 217 

to 219, 221, 223 to 226, 234, 

331, 368, 369, 371, 376 
Constantine III, son of Heraclius, 

203. 37'. 376 
Constantine, son of Constantine III 

(see Constans II), 203, 371, 372 
Constantine Pogonatus, 234, 253, 

254, 258 



Constantine, son of Maurice, 168 
Constantine, abbot, 31, 163 
Constantine I, pope, 274, 276, 277, 

368 to 370 

Constantinople, 46, 47, 55, 58, 59, 
68, 85, 106, no, 112, 124, 126, 
141, 142, 155, 161, 172, 176, 
177, 203, 204, 218, 224, 225, 
252, 254, 258 to 260, 274, 279, 
288 to 290, 292, 293, 303, 330, 

3 6 7. 369. 37i, 372, 377 
Constantinople, Council of, 123 to 

125, 132, 260, 367 
Constans, bishop of Milan, 134 
Constitutum t 123 
Consular lists, xxxv 
Conza (Consia), 176 
Copenhagen, 376 
Copenhagen continuer of Prosper. 

See Langobard Chronicle, 376, 


Cormones, Cormons, 180, 276, 291 
Coronate (Kornate), 246, 247, 263 
Corsica, 77, 365, 379, 382, 386 
Corsus, 101 
Corvulus, 87, 270 
Cosenza Cosentia (Consentia), 73, 

Cottian Alps, 54, 72, 74, 192, 272, 

285, 365. 3 68 , 379 to 381, 383 

to 384, 386 

"Cottian and Apennine Alps," 384 
Cottius, 72, 365 
"Council picture," 369 
Cremona, 87, 170 
Crimea, 218 
Ctibicularius, 89 
Cumae, 283, 370 
Cunimund, 49 to 51, 81, 329 
Cusupald (Theodobald), king of 

Franks, 40 
Cvenas, 28 

Cyclus Paschalis of Dionisius, 47 
Cynocephali, 20 
Cynthius occiduas Poem, xxiv 
Cyriacus, 130 
Cyril, St., 122, 125 
Cyrus, abbot, 274, 276, 368, 372 

Dacia, 19 

Dagipert, 235 

Dagistheus, 56, 373 

Dahn, Felix, v, x 

Dauiianus, bishop of Ticinum, 241, 

254, 255, 370 
Danes, 19 

Danube, 24, 32, 33, 38 
Dative case, use of, xxxv 
Dea (Die), IOI 
Decius, 6 

Defensor ecclesiac, 132 
Dertona (Tortona), 72, 380 
Desiderius, xvii, xx, 312 to 313 
Dialogues of Gregory the Great, vii, 

153. 361 
Die (Dea), IOI 
Dietenhofen, xxviii, 8 
Dietrich of Berne, 105 
Digests of Justinian, 46, 266 
Diocletian, 379 
Dionisius, abbot, 47, 73, 375 
Dnieper, 22 
Dniester, 22 
Doge, 291, 298 
Dog-headed men, 20 
Domnus (Donus), 253 
Don (Tanais), i 
Donatus, Aelinus, 77, 364 
Dragon-hoard, 106, 147 to 148 
Drave, 69 
Droctulfi, Droctulf, Drocton, 112, 

IlSto 119, 358 
Drome, 101 
Drought, 151 
Droysen, 375 
Druentia (Durance), 100 
Duces, see dukes, 86 
Duino, 294 

Dukes, 25, 65, 85 to 89, 91, 115 
Duplabilis, 69 
Durance (Druentia), 100 

Eadwin (Andoin), 84 
Ealfwin (Alboin), 84 
Earthquake, 200, 369 
Easter Reckoning, 47 
Eatule (Italy), 84 
Ebbo, Ebbe, 5 



Ebert, 342, 359 

Ebredunum (Embrun), 97,98, 100, 


Eclipse of the moon, 254, 368, 370 
Eclipse of the sun, 254, 255, 368 
Ecumenical patriarch, 130 
Edda, 105 

Edict of Rothari, xxxii, 27, 39, 40, 
63, 88, 92, 195 to 197, 236, 342 
Edwin (Audoin), 41 
Egbert, 240 
Egypt, 8, 108, 179, 226, 258, 367, 

3 6 9 

Elba -canton, 23 
Eiferingen, 32 
Kibe (Albisj, 4, II, 13, 19, 24, 68, 


Elder Edda, 105 

Elegiac epaneleptical distichs, 411 
Elemund, 42 
Eleutherius, 176, 177, 190, 191, 290, 

Elias (Helias), 112, 121, 124, 131, 

35 6 362 
Elmigisilus, 83 
Emancipation, by arrow, 20, 21, 30, 

Embrum (Ebredunum), 97, 98, ico, 


Emilia (Aemilia), 74, 75, 77, 366, 

38i. 385 

Eneti (Veneti), 71 
Ennemase, 143 
Ennodius, xxxv 
Eormengild, 240 
Eormenred, 240 
Epic song, 340, 34S, 351 
Ephesus, Seven Sleepers of, 6 
Ephesus, Council of, 122, 125 
Epiphanius, 175, 355 
Equilium, 298 
K<iuitius, 398 

Km (Stable), 97 
Ethelbert, 129 
Ktniria, 75, 36$ 
Etzel, 105 
Eudo, prince of Aquitaine, 287, 288, 

Eugenius, 218 

Eugippius, xxxii, 334, 360 

Euin, 87, 103, 135, 138, 151, 158, 

35210354,359 ' 
Euna, 87 

Eunius (Mummulus), 96 
Eusebius, Legend of, 190 
Eusebius, St., Church of, 195 
Eusebius, xxxii 
Euthicius, iii, 371 
Eutropius, xvii, xxxii, xlii 
Eutyches, in, 122 
Eutychius, exarch, 291, 298, 371 
Euxine, 22 
Evantius, 142 
Evodia (Alderney), 10 
Exarch, 168, 169 
Exhilaratus, 403 
Ezekiel, 362 

Faedo (Fagitana), 143 

Faenza, 313 

Falcastrum, falx> 398 

Famine, 151 

Fanum, Fano, 75, 301 

Faraoi, 264 

Paras, 66 

Farigaidus, farg&tum, 329, 335, 

Faroald I, Faruald I, 112, 120, 160, 

162, 358 

Faroald 11, Faruald II, 273, 285 
Fastrada, xxvii 
FeU, 33 
Feletheus (Feva, Theuvane), 31, 


Felix, archbishop of Ravenna, 276 
Felix, bishop of Tarvisium (Treviso), 

68, 69, 356 

Felix, grammarian, 257 
Feltre, Keltria, 88, 133 
Female succession to the throne, 29 
Ferdulf, 87, 266, 267, 269, 270 
Fermo ( Firmus), 75 
Feronianum, Ferronianus (Frig- 

nano), 74, 381 
Ferrara, 310, 313 
Ferrugio (Verruca), 144 
Festus, Sextus Pompeius, xxvi, xxvii, 

365. 387 



Fetilus, 44 ' Prankish sources, of Paul's history, 

Feva, Fewa (Theuvane, Feletheus), i 318 to 325 

Franks, 40, 49, 54, 55, 61, 66, 68, 

31, 328, 366 
Fidentius, 294 
Fifth Synod, 260, 372 
Filippicus (Bardanis), 274 to 276, 

280, 369, 372 

Filippicus the Monothelete, 372 
Firmus (Fermoj, 75, 381 
Fisud, 328 
Flaminia, Flamminia, 74 to 75, 77, 

3 66 379 38o 381, 384. 3 8 5 
Flavianus, xvi 
Flavian, bishop of Constantinople, 


Flavius, 113, 136 to 137, 357 
Flax, mistaken for water, 37 
Floods, 357 
Florentinus, priest, 399 
Florus, xxxii 

Flothar (see Clothar), 329 
Flovius (Fluvius Frigidus), 228 
Flutsuinda (see Chlotsuinda), 329 
Focas (Phocas), 168, 172, 177, 179 
Focinus, 382 
Folk-thing, 196 
Fonteius of Feltria, 133 
Forconis, 382 
Forinus (Forino), 222 
Foro di Fulvia, Forum, 304 
Fortunatus Venantius, xxviii, xxxii, 

xxxv, 362 to 363 
Fortunatus, 69 to 70, 1 76 
Forum (Foro di Fulvia), 304 
Forum of Cornelius, 381 
Forum Julii (Cividale), 65, 71, 87, 
163, 180, 181, 184, 200, 205, 
227, 228, 230, 231, 232, 233, 

102, 103, 105, 108, in, 117, 
126, 137, 140, 142, 143 to 145, 
147, 151, 152, 154, 159, 167, 
J73. 189, 216, 251, 262, 284 to 
287, 296, 308, 352, 354, 355, 

359, 3*5 
Frea (Freja), 16, 316, 327, 332, 

339. 345. 348 
Fredegarius, 321, 322, 323 
Fredegundis, 104 

Frignano Ferronianus, 74, 379, 380 
Friuli, Friulans, see Forum Julii. 
Fucinus, Focinus (Celanus), 76, 382 
Furcona Aquila, 76, see Forconis. 

Gaidoald, Gaiduald, duke of Brescia, 

Gaidoald, duke of Trent, 87, 158, 

169, 353 
Gaidulf, 152, 160, 330, 337, 353, 


Gaila, 1 80 

Gail-thai (Zellia), 189. 
Gairethinx, 196 
Galatia, Galatians, 78, 364 
Galicia, 9 

Gallicinus, Callinicus, patrician, 159, 
^ 165, 168, 354 
Gallicinus, Callinicus, patriarch of 

Constantinople, 273 to 274, 368 
Gallogreci, 78 
Galswintha, 104, 105 
Gambar, strenuus, 5 
Gambara, 3, 5, 15, 16, 327, 347, 

348, 349 

245, 246, 249, 266, 276, 286, ! Garganus, Gargano, Mount, 200 
2 94 356, 363, 365, 380 Garipald, duke of Bavaria, 40, 105, 

Forum Julii, Friuli, Friulans, 66, 87, 137, 138, 140, 329, 330, 352 
88, 90, 163, 170, 179, 181, 188, ! Garibald II, 189, 353 

199, 205, 227, 229, 230, 232, 

245, 249, 266, 267, 269, 270, 

286, 287, 295, 355, 367 
Forum Populi (Forlimpopuli), 232 
Forum Simphronii (Fossombrone), 

Francio, 135, 136 

Garibald, son of Grimuald, 236 to 


Garipald, duke of Turin, 205 to 208 
Cast, 89, see Guests. 
Gastaldus, Gastaldius, Gastaldi^ 88 

to 91, 116, 165 
Gate of St. John, 80 



Gaul, Gauls, 2, 8, 9, 13, 72, 77, 
94 to 98, 100, 105, 125, 151, 159, 
167, 192, 236, 262, 266, 296, 

364. 365 

Gaul, boundaries of, 380 
Gausus, 41, 329 
Gelismer, 46 
Gemona, Glemona, 180 
Genders, interchanged by Paul, 


Genitive, irregular forms, xxxii 
Genoa, Genua, 72, 79, 380 
Georgius of Ravenna, 276, 290 
Georgius, patriarch of Constanti- 
nople, 252 to 253 
Gepidae, Gepidan, 38 to 45, 50 to 

52, 80, 84, 385, see Gippidi 
Germanicus, 13 
Germanus, patriarch, 293, 371 
Germanus, St., 409 to 410 
Germany, Germans, I, 2, 4 to 5, n 

to 15, 19, 28 
Giansevero, ix, 152 
Gippidi, 328, 329, 350, see Gepidse. 
Gisa, wife of Feletheus, 32, 360 
Gisa, daughter of Grimoald, 221, 

226 to 227 
Giselperga, 300 
Gisulf I, son of Romuald I, 232, 

250, 271, 282, 370 
Gisulf II, duke of Beneventum, 271, 

282, 294, 300, 303 
Gisulf, duke of Forum Julii, 65 to 

66, 87, 163 to 164, 169, 175, 179 

to 180, 187 

Glemona, Gemona, 180 
Godan, 16 to 18, 327, 345, 346, 

see also Wodan (Wotan). 
Godehoc, Godeoc, Gudeoc, 33, 328, 


Godepert, 205 to 209, 264 
Godescalc (Gottschalk), 301, 303, 

Golaida, Golanda, 22, 328, 338 to 


Golden Age, 357 
Golden Heaven, 304 
Gotha Chronicle, see Chronicon 


Gothic War of Buccellinus, xxx, 374, 


Gothland, 22 
I Goth, Goths, 2, 15, 22, 30, 31, 46, 

53 55. 56, 5 s , 59, 108, 166, 398, 

407, 408 

Goths, Spanish, 126, 136 
Gottschalk (Godescalc), 165, 17010 

Grado, Gradus, 67, 124, 131, 132, 

135, 1 S2, 175. J/6, 227, 276, 356 
Grammatical irregularities in Paul's 

works, xxxii to xxxiv 
Grasulf, 87; 164, 188, 205, 227 
Gratianopolis, Grenoble, 101 
Grauso, 241, 244, 245, 256, 257 
Greece, Greeks, 19, 59, 76, 78, 200, 

220, 223, 225, 226, 303, 364 
Greek, language, xv to xxvi, xxxi 
Greens (of the circus), Frasini, 178, 

366, 377 
Gregory the Great, 48, III, 121, 

124, 12710 131, 134, 153, 15510 

157, 161, 164, 165, 172, 289, 290, 

352 to 354, 356, 357, 361, 362, 

368, 371, 3 s /> 393 to 39. 398, 
402, 409. Dialogues of, vii. , 48, 

153, 353. 3 6l > 387, 393. 34- 

Morals, HI, 128, 361, 371. Life, 

written by Paul, 128 
Gregory II, pope, 276, 282, 283, 

290, 292, 367, 370, 371 
Gregory III, pope, 292, 299, 302 
Gregory, duke of Beneventum, 300, 


Gregory the patrician, 187, 188 
Gregory of Tours, xxxii, 6, 94, 318 to 

320, 353, 35710359, 375, 376 
Grenoble, Gratianapolis, 101 
Grimuald, 180, 182, 183, 188, 19810 

200, 205 tO 2l6, 219, 220, 222, 

226, 228 to 230, 232 to 237, 243, 

264, 322, 331, 369 

Grimuald II, son of Romuald, 232, 

243, 250 
Grippo, 141, 142 
Gudeoc, see Godehoc. 
Gudescalc, son-in-law of King Agi- 

lulf, 165, 170, 171, 354 



Guests, hospes, 90, 91, 114, 115 

Gugingus, race of, 27, 328, 339, 343 

Guido, of Arezzo, xviii. 

Gumperga, 293 

Gumpert, 279 

Gundiperga, wife of Arioald, 190, 

!9!i I 93 20I > 2O2 3 21 
Guncluald, Gundoald, 140, 189, 202, 

321, 330, 337, 358,359 
Gangiugi, 25, 26, see Gugingus, race 

Gunthram, 67, 96, 97, 100, IC2 to 

106, 125, 147, 148, 159, 320, 322 
Guntrut, 285 

Gundan (Godan, Wotan), 18 
Gypidis, 328, see also Gepidae. 

Hadria, Adria, 75, 381 
Hadrian (Adrian), 235, 370 
Hadrian, pope, 313 
Hagelrnund, 25, s-ee Agelmund. 
Hatjia Sophia (church of St. Sophia), 


Hannibal, 74 

Hanmann, References explained, x 
Headhohards i Langohards?), 19 
Helias (Elias), 112, 121, 131 
Helniechis, Helinegis, llelmigis, 

Hilinicliis, 82 lo 85, 329, 330, 336, 

340, 344 
Hera, 345 

Heraclea (City), 298 
Heracleones, Heraclones, 203, 371 
Heraclian, governor of Africa, 179, 

Heraclius, emperor, 176, 179, 203, 

2I7..359, 37L 376 
succession of his sons, 371, 376 
Heretoga, 87 
Herfemar, 295 
Hermann (Arminius), 12 
Hermelinda, 240 
Herminigild, 125 
Hermiones, 315 
Hermunduri, 12 
Herodotus, iii, iv 
Heroli, 2, 32-38, 40, 42, 55, 334, 

Herolia, 36 

Hilarius, St., cloister of, xxviii 
Hildechis, 39, 42, 43, 335 
Hildegard, queen, xxvi 
Hildegard., daughter of queen Hilde- 
gard, xxvi 

Hildeoc (Aldihoc), 30, 328 
Hildeprand, 297, 298, 301. , 301, 310 
Hilderic, duke of Spolelo, 299, 301 
Hilderic, Paul's pupil, xxix 
Hilmichis, 329, 330, see Helmechis. 
llilperic, 67, 103, ill, 153 
Hij p'xirume of Constantinople, 178, 


Hirpinum (Arpino). 271 
Hisernia (Iseruia), 76, 234, 382 
Ulster, 71 
" History of the Langobards," xxix, 

xxx, xxxii-iv, xl, xli, 332, 373, 374. 

See Oiigo. 
Hister ( river), 71 
Histria (Istria), 71, 365 
Hoch Eppan (Appianum), 143 
Hodgkin, vi, vii. x 
II older- Eggcr, 373 
Holstein, 19 
" Holy See," 368 
" Homilies of the fathers " collected 

and revised by Paul, xxvi, xx\ii 
Honoratus, 79, 356 
llonorius I, pope, 191, 217, 253 
Horontius of Vicentia, 133 
Horrea, 271 
Horta (Orte), 154, 299 
Hospes, hospites, hospitalitas (git:s(s}, 

91, 115 

Hospitius, St., 94 to 96, 319 
Hrodgaud, xx 
Hucbert, 285 
Huns, 50, 52, 62, 67, 158, 159, 168, 

1 80 

Ibas of Edessa, 121, 123, 135 

Ibligis (Iplis), 1 80 

Ibor, Iborea, 5, II, 15, 24 to 26, 

347, 348 

Iconoclasm, 290 to 292 
Ides, 79 

Ildichis, son of Tato, 328, 350 
Iliad, 345 



Illyria, Illyricum, 2, 12 

Imola, Imolas, 74, 381, see Forum 
of Cornelius. 

Indiction, 62 

Infinitive, irregularities in, xxxi 

Ingenuinus of Savio (Seben), 133, 

Ingunclis, 125, 126 

Ingvaeones, 315, 317 

Innichen (Aguntum), 58, 69, 189 

" Institutes " of Justinian, 46, 366 

Inundation, 127, 129, 200 

Iplis (Ibligis), 180 

Isaac, exarch, 188, 191 

Isere (Isernia), 101, 234, see His- 

Isidore, Chronicle of, xxxii, i, 333, 
3 6 5. 3 6 6, 376 to 378, 386, 387 

Istaevones, 315 

Istria (Histria), IO, 124, 131, 134, 
135, 152, 167, 189, 225, 252, 
354, 355. 359, 379? Istrian 
bishops, 124, 176 

Ita, 200 

Italians, 14 

Italus, 78 

Italy, Italia, vii, 60, 61, 6310 65, 78 
1081,92,98, 101, 102, 105, 112, 
126, 130, 136, 140, 142, 184, 186, 
192, 213, 216, 225, 234, 237, 
364 to 367, 369, 374, 380 to 386 

Italy, boundaries of, 366 

Italy, government of, 168, 169 

Italy, provinces of, 379-387 

Ivrea, 88 

Jacobi, v, ix, xl-xli, 332, 333, 335 to 

337. 341, 351, 355, 357, 358, 360, 

3 6 5, 37, 373, 374 
Jerome, 376 
Jerusalem, 179, 377 
Joannes, ex-consul, 46, 373 
Jocundus, 192 
John the Baptist, xviii, Church of, 

166, 170, 201, 202, 219, 400 
John III, pope, 124, 367 
John VI, pope, 271 
John, Patriarch of Aquileia, 169, 

175, 176 

1 John, bishop of Bergoma (Bergamo), 


John of Celeia, 133 ' 
John of Parentium (Parenzo), 131, 


John, bishop of Portus, 253 

John III, bishop of Ravenna, I2O, 

132, 158, 354 
John, the patriarch, 176 
John the Deacon, 253 
John, exarch, 177 
John, the ex-consul, 46 
John of Compsa (Consia), 176, 190, 


John of Constantinople, 130 
John of Corippus, 378 
Jonas, a monk of Bobbio, 363 
Jordanes, Jordanis, xxxii, 334, 366, 


Joseph, Benedictine monk, xxix 
Juai>e, judges, 89, 90 
Judicatum, 123 

Julian Alps, 65, 69; see Carnic Alps. 
Julian, St., Island of, 152 
Julianus, master of soldiery, 298 
Julium Carnicum, Julian fortress, 294 
Julius Caesar, 380 
Justin, historian, 364 
Justinian I, xxx, 38, 41 to 43, 45 to 

47, 58, 108, 119, 121, 123, 124, 

178, 259, 260, 366, 374 to 378. 

Laws of, xxx, 46, 196, 366 
Justinian II, 258, 259, 273 to 275, 

368, 371, 372 
Justin II, 51, 58, 59, lo6to 108, no, 

320, 367, 375 
Justinian the nephew of Justin, 1 10, 


Kalenberg, 32 

Khazars, Cagan of the, 274 

King, ordained, 25; powers of, 114 

"King's Mountain" (Monte Mag- 

giore), 64 
Koegel, vi, x, 344 
\ Koran, 6 

Kornate, 246; see Coronate. 
Krain, 295 
Kratin, 6 



Kraus, vi, 344, 345 
Kriemhild, 106 

La Cava, manuscript, 27, 326, 327, 

335. 337. 339 

Lagaris Lagerthal, 102, 352 

Lago di Garda (Lake Benacus), 55, 
71, 140, 144 

Lago di Bolsena (Lake Clitorius), 73 

Lago d' Orta, 152 

Laiamicho, Lamicho, 27, 328, 334, 
343; see Lamissio. 

Lainus, Laynus (Lao), 73, 381 

Z<z;a-fishpond, 27 

Lamissio, king of the Langobards, 
26-30, 339, 340, 363 

Land of women, 28 

Landari, 87, 232 

Langobards: Indexed only as fol- 
lows: Chronicle, used by Paul, 
xxxii, 376; see Copenhagen Con- 
tinuer of Prosper. Costumes, 166; 
Ethnological status, 315 to 317; 
Lombard history, 332; see His- 
tory of the Langobards; see 
Origo; Immigration into Italy, 
105,375; Boundaries of kingdom, 
285, 380; fall of kingdom, 309 to 
311; Language, xxxi, 268, 316; 
Laws, 195, 196,3315337; Origin 
of the Langobards and of their 
name, 3, 4, 16 to 18, 327,328, 
33 2 33 8 345. 347 to 3495 Lango- 
bard sources, 325 to 359, 377 

Langobardenmauer, 23 

Lao, 73; see Lainus. 

Larius, lake (Lago di Como), 241 

Latebra hiding place, 79 

Latin language, xxxi-xxxiv, xli, 268 

Latin Way, 146 

Latium, 79 

Laud a (Lodi Vecchio), 210, 265 

Laumellum, Laumello, 149 

Lauriana, 286 

Laurentius of Bellunum (Belluno), 


Laus Pompeia (Lauda), 210 
Laynus, 381; see Lainus. 
Leunder, bishop of Hispalis, 125 

Lech (Lecha), 70 

Lectisternia, 212 

Le Mans, 251 

Leo the Great, pope, 122, 125. 

"Tome" of Leo, 122 
Leo (Leontius), emperor, 259, 273, 

275. 368, 372 
Leo III, the Isaurian, emperor, 284, 

289, 290, 293, 371, 372 
Lethinges, Lethingi, Lithingi, 140, 

329 350 

Lethu, Lethuc, king of the Lango- 
bards, 30, 328, 334 

Leupchis, Paul's ancestor from Pan- 
onia, xv, 184, 186 

Leutharius, 54, 55, 373 

Levigild, 125 

Liber Pontificalis, 67, 200, 225, 336, 
354. 360, 367 to 370, 373, 375, 
378, 379 

Liguria, 54, 56, 72, 74, 77, 79, 80, 
126, 356, 357, 366, 379, 381, 383 

Linz, 33 

Liquentia (Livenza), 65, 246 

Liris, 399 

Lithingi, 41; see Lethingi. 

Liutpert, 264, 265 

Liutprand, 90, 117, 187, 197, 265, 
266, 276, 279, 281, 285, 286,288, 
289, 291 to 293, 295 to 297, 299, 
300 to 306, 308, 310, 368, 372. 
Laws of, 306, 307 

Livenza (Tngliamento), 65, 69, 246 

Locopositi, 90 

Loci servator, 252 

Locusts, 151 

Lodi Vecchio (Lauda), 210 

Lodi, Lauda, 87, 265 

Long-beards, 16, 349; see Lango- 

Longinus, 59, 84, 85, 112, 119, 329, 


Lopichis, xv, 184 to 186 
" Lost Chronicle," 360, 367 
Lothair (Chlotochar), 103 
Lucania, 73, 76, 364, 365, 379,381 
Lucca, 88 
Luceoli, Luceolis, Luciuolo, 154, 

176, 369 



Lucera, Luceria, 76, 219, 382 
Lumello (Laumellum), 149 
" Lumine purpureo," xxiv 
Luna, l.uni (City of), 199, 331 
Lupus, 87, 227-230, 232 
I.uxeuil, Luxovinum, 192, 363 
Lycia, 217 

Macharius, bishop of Antinch, 252 
Machoavilla, Manosque, ico 
Madrid, Library, 3 v 'o 
Madrid manuscript < >f Origo, 27, 326, 

3 2 7.337,339, 35-, 383, 3*5, 3 S 7 

Magias (Mais), 2' 5 

Alaqister niilituin (Master of sol- 
diers , 56, 1(9 

Malclais, bi>h( p, 172, 173 

Male, Maleiuni, 143 

Malvitus, 3Si 

Manosque (Marh^avilla), ico 

Mansueius, ar<-hLisiup of Medio- 
Jantmi, 2"4 

Mantua, 71, 77, 88, 145, 171, 365, 

Ma,-, mare, 66 

Marano, Mariano, 133, 356 

Marcellus, $t , 148 

Marcianus, patriarch, 175, 356 

Marcomaimi, 12, 13, 24, 150 

Marcomatmic \Yar, 24, 25 

Marcus Aurclius, 22, 24 

Marcus Casinensis, xxxii, 49 

Marenra, 203 

Mariana, 88 

Mariannm (Marano), Council of, 

133, 156 
Marianus, Marinianus, archbishop 

of Ravenna, 158, 352, 354 
Marius of Avenches, 373 
Marobod, 12 to 14, 315 
Afarpa/iis, 256 
Marseilles (Massillia), lor 
Marsians, 76, 382, 384 
Mania), 411 

Martin I, pope, 217, 218, 290 
Martin, St., the Confessor, 69, 70, 


Martina, 371 
Masane, 86 

Massilia (Marseilles), 101 
Ma.ster(s) of soliliery. Magister 

militum, 56, lov, 298 
Maurice, 113, 117, 118, 126, 128, 

130, 134, 136, 141, 156, 168, 172, 

177. 290, 320, 359, 376 
Mauringa (Maurungani), 19, 21, 22, 

333, 338, 339, 364 
Maurisin, 155 
Maunis, 397 to 399 
Mayence, Mop.mitiacum, 2 
Maxentius of Julium, 133 
Meretms, Mezetius, Mezezius, 225, 

3 6 9 

ATedaria (Windisch Matrei), 187 
Mediolannm (Milan), 72, 78, 70, 

142, 159, 170, 173, 205, 207, 380 
Melliuis, 129, 130 
Melote, 4 1 3 
Menander, 335 
Menia, 335 
Mercurius, St. , xxxv 
Mercury, 9, 363 
Merovech, 104 
Metamaucus, 298 
Metres used by Paul, xxxiv 
Mettis, 67 

Metz, xxvii, xxviii, xxxix, 67, 104 
Mezetius, Mccetius, 234, 368 
Michael, St., patron of Langobards, 

Milan, 72, 78, 88, 124, 142, 159, 

170, 173, 192, 356, 357; see 

Milan, Catalogue of the bishops of, 


Mimulf, 152, 330, 336, 353 
Mincio (Mincius), 71 
Miracles of St. Benedict, 393 to 414 
Afissus, 90 

Mitola, Count of Capua, 222 
Modena, 145 
Modena, MS. of Origo, 326, 327, 

329, 33, 337, 339, 35 1 
Modicia (Monza), 166, 168, 170, 

201, 219 
Moesia, 38 

Mogontiacum (Mayence), 2 
Mohammed, 6 



Molvian bridge, (PonsMulvius), 280 
Mommsen, iii, v, ix, xxvi, xl, xli, 

33 2 337to 341, 343, 350, 351, 

360, 363 to 365, 374, 376 to 380, 

383 to 386 

Monotheletes, 21 7, 252, 253, 257,277 
Monothelete controversy, 224, 290 
Montembellium (Monteveglio, Mon- 

tebelliumj, 74, 293, 381 
Monselice, Mons Silicis, 71, 167, 

168, 354 

Monstrous births, 26 
Monte Cassino, xix xxi, xxvii, xxix, 

48, 162, 251, 310, 361, 362, 367, 

399,400,407,410, 413 
Monte Maggiore (King's Mountain), 

Monteveglio (MonsBellius), 74, 293, 

379, 38o 
Monza (Modicia), 166, 168, 201, 

202, 219, 354 
Moors, 46, 378 
Moravia, 33 
Moselle, xx, xxiii, 2, 8 
" Mother of God," 260 
Moutiers (Mustiascalmes), 97 
Much, 344 
Mullenhoff, 344 
Mummulus, 96 to 102, 319 
Munichis, 270 
Muratori, v, xxxviii, 367 
Musical notes, xviii 
Mustiascalmes (Moutiers), 97 
Myrginge, 19 
Nano, Anagnis, 102 
Naples, Neapolis, 32, 60, 73, 176, 

220, 222 to 224, 361 , 367, 369, 381 
Naples, duke of, 283 
Narbo (Narbonne), 296, 297, 324 
Narnia (Narni), 289, 369 
Narses, xxx, 53 to 56, 58 to 60, 68, 

80, loS, 109, 124, 136, 321, 329, 

336, 3 6 7. 373*0375.378 
Naiisio (Natisone), 231 
Nemse, Nemas (Nimis), 180, 230 
Nestorius, 122 

Neumarkt, Ennemase, 87, 143 
Neustria, 90, 103, 199, 245 
Nice, Nizza, 94, 98 

Nicea, 279, 369 

Niebelungen Lied, 105, 106 

Nika, 178 

Nominative, used for other cases, 

xxxiii, xxxxiv 
Nones, 79, 149 

Norica, Noricum, 22, 32, 55, 64 
Noricans, 139, 194 
Norican villages, 80 
Northmen, xxiv 

" Nos dicamus " (Peter of Pisa), xxv 
" Notitia Provinciarum," 387; see 

Catalogue of the provinces of 

Italy, 360, 379-387 
Novara, Novarise, 88, 264 
Novels of Justinian, 46, 378 
Numa, walls of, 402 
Numerus, 169 
Nursia, 74, 75, 381, 384, 385, 393 

Obii, 24 

Ochon, 38 

Oderzo, Opitergium, 187, 200, 233, 


Odoacar, xl, 31, 32, 55, 93, 114, 

328, 340, 349, 360, 366 
Old-High-German, 316 
Old-Saxon, 316 
Olo, 142 
Olonna, 304 

Olympius, exarch, 217, 290 
Opitergium (Oderzo), 65, 187, 200, 


Orbinum (Urbinum), 381 

Origo Gentis Langobardorum, Origin 
of the Nation of the Langobards, 
vi, xlii, 3, 16, 17, 27, 39, 40, 63, 
325, 327 to 331, 333 to 3 4 T, 343, 

345. 347, 35 to 354, 35^, 357, 360 

Oritia, 381 

Orleans (Aureliani), 67, 251, 279 

Orosius, xxxii, xlii 

Orte (Horta), 154, 299 

Orthography, mistakes and varia- 
tions, xxxii 

Orvieto (Urbs Vetus), 174 

Osimo (Auximun), 293 

Osopo, Osopus, Ossopo, Osupus, 65, 
69, 180 



Ostrogoths, 91 

Otranto (Ydrontum), 77 

Pabst, references explained, x, 89, 

90. 321, 33 2 -334. 336, 357 
Paderborn (Patespruna), 23 
Padoreno (Badrinus), 120 
Padua, Patavium, 167, 354 
Padus(Po), 74, 220, 381 
Prestum (Pestus). 73 
Paqus, 23 
Paizan, 66 
Paldo, 283 

Panaro (Scultenna), 200 
Pandects of Justinian, 46, 366 
Pannonia, 22, 24, 38, 41, 54, 60, 

62-65, 139, 159, 181, 184, 329, 


Pannonians, 80, 194 
Pantheon, 178, 224, 369, 371 
Papacy, growth of, 289 to 292 
Papia ( Pavia, Ticinum), 72, 380 
Paris, 67 

Parma, 74, 87, 171, 354 
" Parvula rex Carolus," poem by 

Charlemagne, xxix 
Patavium (Padua_), 167, 380 
Patera, 51 

Patespruna (Paderborn), 23 
Patriarchs of Aquileia, chronicle of 

the, 356 

Patricius of Aemona, 133 
Patrimony of St. Peter, 129 
Patron, 91 
Paul the Deacon: Biography and 

intimate of his works, iii to xlii; 

Genealogy, 184 to 1 86; Roman 

History, xvii, xviii, xxx, 373 to 

379. Further references omitted. 
Paul, patriarch of Aquileia, 67, 69, 

Paul, patriarch of Constantinople, 

Paul the patrician; exarch, 289, 

291, 370 
Paul, pope, 313 
" Panic sub umbrosa," xxiii 
Paulinus, bishop of Aquileia, 67, 124 

(called Paul in the text). 

Pavia (Papia, Ticinum), xvi, xx, 72, 
78, 80, 87, 88, 135, 145, 149, 
152, 174, 202, 312, 313, 357, 370 

Pelagian heresy, 107 

Pelagius I, pope, 124, 132 

Pelagius II, pope, 121, 124, 127 to 

129, 35. 3 62 . 367 
Pemmo, 87, 90, 270, 286, 287, 294, 

295. 367 

Penne (Pennis), see Pinnis, 75, 381 
Pentapolis, 75, 293, 297, 301, 313, 

370, 381 

Pepin, see Pippin. 
Perctarit, 205, 207, 209 to 216, 235 

to 240 
Peredeo, murderer of Alboin, 82, 83, 

85, 86, 340, 344 

Peredeo, duke of Vicenza, 297, 298 
Pergamus (Bergamo), 71, 78, 152, 


Peritheo, 329; see also Peredeo. 
Persian war, xxx, 373 
Persians, 45, III, 179, 203, 204, 

366. 371, 377 
Persiceta, 293 
Perugia, Perusia, Perusium, 73, 88, 

Pesaro, cily of, 75 
Pestilence, 56 to 58, 127, 235, 255, 

288, 369, 370 
Pestus (Pajstum), 73, 381 
Peter of Allinum, 133 
Peter, patriarch of Aquileia, 276 
Peter, director of the choir, 174, 354 
Peter, duke of Friuii, 87, 270 
Peter of Pisa, xxiv, xxv 
Peter, bishop of Ticinum, 305 
Peter, St., church of, 370 
Petilus (Fetihts), 44 
Petronax, 282, 283, 367 
1'hocas, Focas, 130, 168, 169, 172, 

Piacenza (Placentia), 74, 87, 206, 


Piave, Plavis, 68 

Picenum, Picenus, 75, 365.37910381 
Picenum Annonarium, 379 
Picenum Suburbicarium, 379 
Pictavi (Poictiers), 70 



Pilleum, village of, 297 

Pinnis (Penne), 75 

Pippin, father of Charles Mattel, 33, 
280, 296 

Pippin II, father of Charlemagne, 
296, 31010 313, 324, 325 

Piscaria, Piscariuui, 75, 76, 364, 381, 

Placentia, Plagentia (Piacenza), 74, 
206, 245, 381 

Placidius, Placidus, 398, 399, 413 

Plague, xxxix, 56 to 58, 129, 160, 
200, 354, 369 

Pliny the Elder, 3, 26, 363, 364 

Po (Padus), 74, 118, 220, 250 

Poictiers, Poitiers, Pictavi, xxviii, 70, 
287, 370 

Poictiers, battle of, 324 

Polemius Silvius, Calendar of, 379 

Polimartium, Bomarzo, 154, 299 

Pompeianus, 397 

Pompeius Festus " On the significa- 
tion of words," xxvi 

Pons Mulvius, Ponte Mollo, 280 

Pontus, 273, 274, 276 

Potium, 294 

Prasini (Greens of the Circus fac- 
tion), 178 

Predil pass, 64 

Priscian, the grammarian, 47, 375 

Priscus, the patrician, 168 

Probinus, 79, 1 12, 124 

Probus, 156 

Procopius, 373, 376, 378 

Prosascus, 231 

Prosper, chronicle of, xxxii, 376 

Provence, Provincia, 96, 216, 296, 


Ptolemy, 12 
Pugna, 222 
Purgessimus, 230 
Pyrrus, patriarch, 252 

Quinisextan Council, 259, 274 

Raduald (Radoald), son of Gisulf, 
164, 181, 188, 198 to 200 

Raeiia (Rhaetia), 379, 382, 383, 
385 ; see Reti. 

Ragilo, 102, 352 

Ragimpert, 207, 264, 278, 279 

Raginfrid, 284, 324 

Ragogna (Reuna), 69, 180, 252 

Raicunda, daughter of Fisud, 328 

Rain storms, 226 

Ranicunda, 40, 335 

Ransom, 144 

Ratchait, son of Pemmo, 271, 295 

Ratchis, son of Pemmo, xvi, xix, 81, 

90, 91, 187, 271, 295, 301, 302, 

310, 312, 313,335 
Ratgaud, 87 
Ratperga, 270 

Ratpot, king of the Frisians, 280 
Rauhes Alp, 23 
Ravenna, 75, 80, 84, 85, 112, 118 

to 120, 131 to 133, 154, 160, 165, 

167, 168, 171, 176, 188, 191,218, 

252, 275, 276, 289, 290, 292, 297, 

298, 310, 312, 313, 328, 330, 354, 

356, 370, 373. 377, 381, 384. 

Annals of, 376. Cosmographer 

of, 364, 373 

Reate, Rieti, 76, 382, 384 
Recared, 114 
Reggio, Regio, Regium in Bruttium, 

73, 145, 224, 381 
Regium, Reggio in Emilia, 74, 88, 

171, 381 [the ancient Regium 

Lepidi, 74, 145] 
Reno, Renus (Rhine), 153, 322 
Reti, Retia, Reptia, 72, 380 
Reuna, Reunia (Ragogna J, 69, 180, 


Rhaetia (Raetia), 72, 265 
Rhine (Reno), 2, II, 13, 23 
Rhodes, 217 

Uhone (Rodanus), 99, IOI 
Rhyme, xxxv 
Rieti (Reate), 76 
Rimini (Ariminum), 75, 77, 297 

Ring. 33 

Risulf, 39 

Rivoli, "Brook of the Franks," 

217, 322 

Rizokopus, John, exarch, 276 
" Robber Synod," 122, 123 
Rodanus (Rhone), 99 



Rodanus, duke of the Langobards, 

100-102, 319 
Rodelinda, Hodelenda, wife of King 

Audoin, 49, 329, 335 
Rodelinda, wife of Perctarit, 207, 


Roduald, son of Rothari, 201, 202 
Roduald, duke of the Friulans, 87, 

232, 251, 252 
Rodolf, king of the Heroli, 33-37, 

328, 334, 349 

Roman empire, provinces of, 383 
Roman histories of Paul's time, xxxv 
Roman History, Paul's, xvii, xviii, 

xxx, 373-379 
Roman law, 197 

Roman laws and institutions, 307 
Roman liturgy, 129 
Roman See, primacy of, 169, 177, 


Roman sources, 359-387 
Romanus, patrician ami exarch, 145, 

154 to 156, 159, 161, 354, 362, 

3 6 9 

Romanus, monk, 394, 395 
Romanus, St., church of, 256 
Roman population, 91, 92, 114 to 

Ii6, 195, 196 

Romilda, 180, 181, 183, 355 
Romoald (Romuald) II, son of 

Gisulf I, 203 
Romuald I, duke of Beneventum, 

200, 206, 219 to 223, 232, 234, 

Romuald IT, son of Gisulf I, 251, 

282, 293, 299 
Roscmund, 50, 51. 81 to 85, 329, 

330,335,336, 3.>9o34l 
Rotaidis, 1'aul's epitaph lu, xxvi 
Kotalian, 102, 103, 143 
Kotcari, 298 

Rothari, king of the Lnngobards, 
J93< !95> 198, 199, 201, 268, 321, 
33 ' 337- Edict and Laws of, 
xxxii, 27, 39, 40, 63, 88, 92, 195 
to 197, 236, 342 

Rolhari, relative of Liutprand, 281 
Roiharit, duke of the Ikigamascans, 
264, 265 

Rotrud, Charlemagne's daughter, 


Roveredo, 144 
Ruena (Ragogna), 69 
Riigen, 22 
Rugians, Rugii, xl, 2, 32, 33, 328, 

340, 349 

RugUand, Rugulanda, 22, 32, 33, 
38, 328, 334, 349 

Rule of the Order of the Benedic- 
tines, xxix, 283, 414 

Rumetruda, 34, 35 

Rusticus of Tarvisium, 133 

Sabato, 146 

Sabatus (Sabato), 222 

Sabbato paschali , 233 

Saburrus, 222, 223 

Sacred plain, 181 

Sagittarius, 97 

Salarian bridge, 289 

Salentine territory, 76 

Salerno, Monk of, xxx 

Salerno, Salernum, 73, 381 

Salinga, 40 

Salurnis, Salum, 103 

Samnium, Sampnium, 54, 76, 379, 


Samnites, 75, 146, 198 
San Giovanni in Persiceto, 293 
San Quirino, 231 
San I'ietro dei Schiavi, 231 
San Vettorino (Amiternum), 76 
Sangro, Sangrus, 221 
Saona, Savona, 72, 380 
Saracens, 217, 218, 224, 226, 258, 

279. 287, 288, 290, 296, 297, 

369, 37 
Sardinia, 77, 225, 288, 365, 369, 

379, 3 82 > 3 86 
Sardis, Serdis, the son of Hercules, 


Sardis, field of, 140 
Sarmatian, 80 
Sarugiensis, Jacobus, 6 
Savinianus, pope, 17?, 363 
Savinus, martyr, 161, 162, 305, 306 
Saviiuis, sub-deacon, 164 
Savona (Saona), 72 



Saxons, 52, 61, 64, 97, 98, 100, 

237, 3'9 

Saxons, King of, 236 
Saynia, 76 
Scadan, Scadanan, 3, 327, 332, 338, 

339, 343; see Scadinavia. 
Scadinavia, 3, 4, II, 24, 332, 337, 

339. 343^ 363 

Scala (s.kaat), 51 

Scab disease, 200 

Scandanan, 3, 327, 363; see Sca- 

Scandinavia, 4, 38 

Scatenauge, 3; see Scadan. 

Scandza, 7, 30 

Scauniperga, 300 

Scaurus, M. /Emilius, 280 

Sceaf, Skeaf, 28, 316 

Schieringen (Scoringa), II 

Schmidt, vi, x, 344, 351, 377 

Scitpor, 82 

Sclal.i (Slavs), 154 

Scolastica, St., xix, xxxv, 251, 409, 

Scolasticus, patrician, 277 

Scoringa (Schieringen), II, 19, 

S3 2 . 333. 338, 339, 343 
Scridefinni, Scridetinnen, 7, 364; 

see Scritobini, 7 
Sculdahis, 90, 267 
Scultenna, river, Panaro, 200, 331, 

Scusuald, king of the Franks, 329; 

see Cusupald. 
Scylla, 9 
Scythia, 209 
Sebastian, St., 255, 370 
Secundus of Trent, abbot, 135, 137, 

170, 189, 323, 325, 336, 340 to 

343, 3S 1 to 359, 361, 375. 377. 


Secusium (Susa), 101 
Seine, 9, IO 
Sele (Siler), 73 
Semnones, 12, 14 
Senogallia, Senonian Gauls, 78 
Senonae, Sens, 77, 78 
Seno, deacon, 247 to 249 
"Sensi cujus," xxv 

Sepinum (Sepino), 234 

Sepontum (Siponto), 76, 199, 382 

Septem (Ceuta), 287 

Serenus, 276, 286 

Sergius, pope, 252, 259 to 261, 


Sermiana (Sirmian), 143 
Servandus, deacon, 410 
Sessionse (Soissons), 67 
Sesuald, 220, 221 
Seven-fold litany, 128 
Seven Sleepers, 5 to 7 
Severinus, St., 32, 334, 360 
Severus, of Tergeste, 131, 133, 135 
Severus, patriarch, 131, 133, 175, 


Shadows, length of, 8 
Sicily, 58, 77, 126, 224 to 226, 365, 

368 to 370, 379, 382, 386, 402 
Sicilian strait, 381 
Sicuald, 286 
Siculi, 78 
Siculus, 77 
Siegfried, 105, 106 
Sigambri, 23 

Sigfrid, king of the Northmen, xxiv 
Sigiprand, 265 
Sigisbert, Sigispert, 61, 67, 68, 98, 

99, 103 to 106, 192, 319, 323, 

358, 359 
Sigurd, 105 

Siler (Sele), 73, 364, 381 
Silesia, 33 

Silinga, third wife of Scusuald, 329 
Simplicius, 163 
Sinduald, 55, 373 
Sinigaglia (Senogallia), 75, 78 
Siponto, Sipontum (Sepontum), 76, 

199, 382 
Sirmian, Sirmium (Sermiana), 43, 

Si. H3 

Sisinnius, IOI 

Six Ages of the World, xxxv 

Sixth General Council, or Sixth 

Oecumenical Council, 253, 254, 

277, 370, 372 
Skaal (skoal), 51 
Skattigan, to injure, 327 
Slavonians, 65 



Slavs (Sclabi), 64, 154, 158, 167, 

170, 185, 187, 189, 199, 230 to 
232, 266 to 269, 286, 287, 296, 

355. 359 
Smaragctus, 119, 131, 132, 168, 169, 

171, 174,35410357 
Soissons, Sessions, 67 
Solidus, solicli, 117, 1 1 8, 243 
Sophia, wife of Justin II, 59, 60, 

107, no, 113 

Sophia, St., church of (Hagia 
Sophia), xxx, 46, 47, 374 

Sources of Paul's History; see Ap- 
pendix II, 318 to 392 

Spain, Spaniards, 68, 125, 136, 287, 

Speier (Speyer) manuscript of the 
Origo, 3 8 3 to 3 8 7 

Spicier webs, 253 

Spital, village of, 286 

Spoleto, Spoletum, Spoletium, Spo- 
letans, 66, 73,881090, 112, 130, 
*45 '55> X 6o I 6i 205, 206, 227, 
291, 292, 299, 302,308, 313, 367, 


Stabliciamis, 177 
Stablo, Establon, 97 
Stephan, pope, 311, 312 
Stolesaz, 89 
Stony Field, 101 
Strabo, 11,12 
Sunhia, Suabian, Suabians, see 


Suanahild, 285 
Suartuas, 38 
Survi, Suavia, Suevi (Suabians), 12 

to 14, 39, 61, 72, 80, 99, loo, 1 18, 

39, 3'5 3'9. 325. 328,335 
Sublacus, Subiaco, 47, 48, 394, 396, 

397, 399 
Sul.o, 281 

Sundrar, Langobprd general, 190 
Sura, Sora, 271 
Susa, 101, 1 02 
Sutri, Sutrium, 154, 293, 370 
Swabia (Suavia), 139; see also 


Swan maidens, 27 
Syracuse, 224 to 226, 369, 382 

Tacitus, i, n, 15 
Tagliamento (Livenza), 65, 69 
Tanien, irregular use of the word, 


Tanais (Don), I 
Tanaro (Tanarus), 304 
Tannetum, 55 
Taranto, Tarentum, 77, 218, 219, 

250, 382 
Tarik. 287 

Tarracina, monastery of, 404, 413 
Tarvisium (Treviso>, 233, 245, 286 
Taso, abbot of St. Vincent, 283, 363 
Taso, son of Gtsulf, 87, 180, 181, 

187, 188, 191, 233, 323 
Tassilo, duke of Bavarians, 154, 189, 

322, 353 
Tato, abbot of St. Vincent, 283, 349, 

Tato, son of Claffo, 33, 35, 37 to 

40, 3 28 . 334 
Talzo, 264 
Taurini (Turin), 141 
Teia, 373 
Terebellus, king of the Bulgarians, 

273, 274 
Terni, 303 
Tertullus, 398 
Tesana (Tiseno), 143 
Teudelapius of Verona, 305 
Teudelapius (Theudelapius), duke 

of Sp"letum, 162 

Teudo (Theudo), duke of the Ba- 
varians, 285, 286 

Teutoburg Forest, battle of, 12, 13 
Teutpert, duke of the Bavarians; 

see Theutpert. 
Theate (Chieti), 76, 382 
Theodora, 119, 123 
Theodorada, wife of Ansprand, 266 
Theodore, archbishop, 235, 370 
Theodore of Mopsuestia, 121, 123, 

135,260, 372 

Theodore, the patrician, 275 
Theodoret of Cyrrhus, 121, 123, 135 
Theodoric II, 354; see Theuderic, 

king of the Franks. 
Theodoric, king of the Goths, 31, 

56,81,91, 93, 105, 166 



Theodosius, son of Maurice, 168 

Theodosius II, 6 

Theoddsius III, emperor, 279, 284, 


Theodote, 240, 241 
Theudebald, 54, 103 
Theudelapius, Theudelaupus (Teude- 

lapius), duke of Spoletum, 162, 

205, 358 
Theudelinda, Theudelenda, Queen 

of Langobards, 134, 138 to 140, 

149, 150, 153 to 156, 159, 166, 

173, 190 to 194, 321, 330, 352 to 
354, 357, 358, 362 

Theudelinda, mother of Paul, xvi, 

1 86 
Theudemar, abbot of Monte Cassino, 

letter to, xx to xxiii, xxix 
Theudepert I, king of the Franks, 

40, 54, 103, 329 
Theudepert II, king of the Franks, 

159, 160, 171, 189, 322,359 
Theudepert II, of Austrasia, 173, 

174, 192 

Theuderada, Theuderata, 232, 250 
Theuderic, king of the Franks, 159, 

1 60, 192, 322 

Theudo, Teudo, duke of the Bavar- 
ians, 285, 370 

Theutpert, Teutpert, duke of the 
Bavarians, 265, 277, 285 

Theuvane, 31, 328; see also Feva. 

T/ungare, 196 

Thing, 196 

Thionville (Dietenhofen), 8 

Third General Council, '372 

Thomas, deacon, 241, 242 

Thonar, Thor, xxiv 

Three Chapters, the, 121, 123, 124, 
129, 132 to 135, 176, 193, 253, 

Thurgau, 23 

Thuringia (Turingia), 50, 159 

Thuringians (Turing!), 40, 41 

Tiber, 127, 280, 369 

Tiberius, II to 13 

Tiberius II, 107 to in, 113,320,375 

Tiberius III (Apsimar;, 259, 273, 

Tiberius, son of Justinian II, 275 

Tiberius, son of Maurice, 168 

Tibur (Tivoli), 76, 382 

Ticinus, Ticinum (Pavia, Papia), 72, 
78, 80, 86, 87, 145, 149, 152, 154, 
155, 174, 194, 198, 201 to 203, 

205, 206, 209, 210, 227, 236 to 
238, 244, 252, 278, 304, 356, 369, 

Ticino (Ticinum, Ticinus) river, 213, 

238, 278 

Tiliamentum (Tagliamento), 69 

Timave, xv 

Tiseno (Tesano), 143 

Titus, 113 

Tivoli (Tibur), 76 

Todasitis, 38 

Todi (Tuder), 154 

Tome of Lee, 122 

Tortona, 87 

Totila, xxx, 53, 373, 374, 402, 413 

Toulouse, 287 

Tours (Turones), 69, 70 

Transamund,Transemuad,of Capua, 

206, 227, 273 

Transamund II, 285, 299, 301, 302, 


Transalpine Gaul, 78 
Traveler's song (Widsith), 19, 22, 84 
Trenusses, 242, 243 
Trent, Tridentum, 55, 66, 87, 88, 

102 to 104, 143, 151, 169, 199, 

239, 352 

Tieviso (Tarvisium),68, 69, 87, 152, 

200, 233, 245, 286 
Tuder (Todi>, 154 
Ttigurium, 208 
Tungrians, I 
Turcilingi, 2, 32 

Turin (Taurini), 88, 141, 149, 213 
Turingi (Thuringians), 40 
Turingia (Tliuringia), 67 
Turingus 330 

Turisind, 42, 44, 45, 40, 335 
Turismocl, 42, 44, 45, 335 
Turones (Tours;, 69, 70 
'/'us, 72 
Tuscia, Tuscany, 72, 74, 80, 90, 199, 

206, 245, 365, 379 to 381, 384 



Type, 290 

Tyrrenian, Tirrenian Sea, 65, 7 2 
73. 3* to 383 

Ubitergium, 331; see Opitergium. 

Ukraine, 22 

Ulfari, 152, 353 

Ulpiana, 43 

Umbria, 72 to 75, 365, 379 to 381, 


Unulf, 210 to 213, 215 
Unichis, 38 

Urbino, Urbinum (Orbino), 74, 379 
Urbs Vetus (Orvieto;, 174 
Ursicinus, St., 1 19 
Ursus of Ceneta (Ceneda), 270 
Urugundi, 22; see Burgundaib. 
Usipetes, 19; see Assipitti. 
Uitrigotlhus, 42, 43 

Val di Cembra, 143 

\ al cli Sole, 143 

\ al Sugano (Alsuca), 143 

Valduria (Vuliurina), 171 

Valence, Valentia, 101 

Valentinian, monk, 401 

Valenza, formerly " Bercetum,''3O4 

Valeria, 74 to 76, 379, 381, 384, 385 

Vallomar, king of the Marcouianni, 


Valtellina, 171 
Vandals, Vandal kingdom, 2, 31, 

333, 37 J 376: see Wandals. 
Vandals, Procopius history of, 378 
Vams, 12 to 14 

Velluus Patt-rculus, historian, n 
Vendemius of C'issa, 131, 133 
Veneti (Blues of the Circus Faction ), 

Veneti*, Venice, 10, 54, 71, 77, 80, 

126, 134, 179, 289, 292, 356, 357, 

365. 366, 373. 379, 38c, 382. 

Venetian*, 297, 298. Venetian 

lagoons, 291 
Veicclli, 87 

55. 71,74. 81,83, 87, 127, 

140, 143 to 145, 160, 336, 354, 

Verruca CFerrugio), 144 
Versification, forms used by Paul, 

xxxiv, v 
Vespasian, 113 
Vestiarius, 212 
Vesuvius (Bebius), 258, 370 
Velera (Birten), 2 
Vettach, Giuseppi, vi 
Vezzano (Vitianum), 143 
Via Flamminia, 154 
\'icenza (VincentiaK 71, 87 
Victor, Sextus Aurelius, 74, 386 
Vigilius, 123, 260 
Vienna, 32, 33 
Villa Totonis (Dietenhofen, Thion- 

ville), 8 
Villach, 286 
Vincent, martyr, 283 
Vincentia (V'icenza), 71, 230, 245, 

297, 380 

Vinciacum (Vincy), 284, 324 
Vindex, 24 

Vinovilnth, 30; see also Winnili. 
Virdo (Wertach), 70 
Virgil, 9, 77, 364, 365 
Virgilius, P"pe, 125, 132 
Vistula, 22, 33 

Vitalian, po] e, 218, 223, 235 
Vitali<, St., 1 19, 1 20 
Vitalis, bishop of Altinum, 58, 373 
Vitahs, biahop of Monte Cassino, 

Viliges, the Ostrogoth, 39; see 

\\ itichis, 46 

Vitianum (Vezzano), 143 
Vilnius, 78 

Yiviers, in Bruttium, 47 
Vocative irregular forms, xxxii 
Volsenes, Volano, 143 
N'olsungs, Saga of the, 105 
Volturno, Vulturnus, river (Casil- 
inuni i, 55, 283 
" Vulgaria rerba," 268 
Vuliurina (Valduria), 171 
Vurpundail) (Burgundaib), 22, 328, 

333. 339 

Wachilapus, 273 



Wacho, Waccho, king of the Lango- 

bards, 38 to 40, 140, 150, 325, 

328, 335, 350 
Wager of battle, 307 
Waltz, v, vi, ix, 324, 326, 343, 344, 

350 to 352, 360, 376, 378, 380, 

381, 383, 385, 387, 388 
Walcari, 298 
Walderada, 40, 329, 330 
Wallari of Bergamus, 87 
Waltari, king of the Langobards, 40, 

4it 335 
Wandals (Vandals), 13, 15 to 17, 

19, 46, 327, 332, 345 to 347 
Warnecautius, 160, 354 
Warnefried (Wamefrit), Paul's 

father, xv, xvi, 186 
Warni, 39 

Walen (Wotan), xxiv 
Wechtari, 87, 231, 232 
Wends, 15 
Wendsyssel, 4 
Wertach (Virdo), 70 
Wesel, 2 
Weser, II 
Westphalia, 23 
Whirlpool, 8 to 10 
Widin, 55 
Widsiih (Traveler's Song), 68, 84, 


Wiese, x 

Wigilinda, 250 , 

Windisch Matrei, Medaria, 187 

Winiperga, 251 

Winniles, Winnili, Winnilis, 3, IT, 

15 to 19, 30, 327, 328, 338, 346 

to 349; see also Vinoviloth, 30 
Wippach, 228 

Wisegarda, Wisigarda, 40, 328 
Witichis, 46 

Witterich, king of the Visigoths, 173 
Wolfenbiittel, 19 
Wotan, Wodan, Wfldan, xxiv, 16, 

18, 316, 332, 338, 345, 347, 348, 

363; see Godan. 

Ybor, son of Gambara, 327; see also 

Ydrontum, 77, 382 

Zaban, 87, TOO to 102, 319 
Zacharias, pope, 283, 299, 302, 303, 

3 8 > 3 11 

Zacharias, protospatarius t 259 
Zalla, 407 
Zangrulf, Zangrolf, 160, 330, 337, 


Zealand, 19 
Zellia (Gail-thai), 187 
Zeno, St., church of, 127 
Zeus, 345 
Zeuss, x 

Zotto, 112, 146, 163, 358 
Zuchilo, 38, 328, 335 
Zuglio, 294; the old Julium Cami-